Feeling Poor: D.W. Winnicott and Daniel Blake

2019 ◽  
Vol 96 (96) ◽  
pp. 160-176
Author(s):  
Vicky Lebeau

This article draws on Donald Winnicott's understanding of human dependence and Ken Loach's film I, Daniel Blake (2015) to open up a new space between 'psychoanalysis' and 'politics'. Its starting-point is what Stuart Hall has described as the 'ferocious onslaught' on the post-war social-democratic settlement and its initial commitments to the idea of the 'full life' and 'social security for all'. Putting dependence at the heart of human experience, Winnicott's psychoanalysis is especially attuned to the individual and collective harms imposed by this new 'age of austerity'. 'Feeling Poor' explores the structures of material and psychic dispossession at work in contemporary regimes of austerity – in particular, the neoliberal denial of human dependence and vulnerability. What does the neoliberal world, its reformations of the social state, make of the primal situation of dependence – its terrors and dreads as well as its impulses towards culture and community? How might we reconceive vulnerability in solidarity rather than stigma? What might a psychoanalysis attuned to 'dependence as a living fact' contribute to the cultures of protest mobilized through the aesthetics of British social realism? Part of a wider exploration of the question of psychoanalysis and class, this article attempts to think about the symbolic functions of care embedded in the post-war welfare state and engages the potential of Winnicott's psychoanalysis as a means to social critique.

1978 ◽  
Vol 21 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Walter Korpi

Sweden is here taken as a ‘test case’ for post-war social science theories predicting that changes inclass, stratification and community structures accompanying industrialization will gradually erode the base for socialist voting and make the mobilization of the electorate by the socialist parties more difficult. The maturation of the welfare state has further been predicted to generate a ‘welfare backlash’ against the social democratic parties. An analysis of long-term changes in social structure and socialist voting in Sweden does not give support to these hypotheses. An alternative interpretation is suggested in which the shape and changes in the power structure in society are taken as the starting point for the analysis of the possibilities and limitations for social democratic policies in advanced capitalist society.


Author(s):  
Aled Davies

This book is a study of the political economy of Britain’s chief financial centre, the City of London, in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher’s first Conservative government in 1979. The primary purpose of the book is to evaluate the relationship between the financial sector based in the City, and the economic strategy of social democracy in post-war Britain. In particular, it focuses on how the financial system related to the social democratic pursuit of national industrial development and modernization, and on how the norms of social democratic economic policy were challenged by a variety of fundamental changes to the City that took place during the period....


Author(s):  
Aled Davies

This chapter concerns the politics of managing the domestic banking system in post-war Britain. It examines the pressures brought to bear on the post-war settlement in banking during the 1960s and 1970s—in particular, the growth of new credit creating institutions and the political demand for more competition between banks. This undermined the social democratic model for managing credit established since the war. The chapter focuses in particular on how the Labour Party attempted in the 1970s to produce a banking system that was competitive, efficient, and able to channel credit to the struggling industrial economy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 687-705 ◽  
Author(s):  
RACHAEL DOBSON

AbstractThis article argues that constructions of social phenomena in social policy and welfare scholarship think about the subjects and objects of welfare practice in essentialising ways, with negativistic effects for practitioners working in ‘regulatory’ contexts such as housing and homelessness practice. It builds into debates about power, agency, social policy and welfare by bringing psychosocial and feminist theorisations of relationality to practice research. It claims that relational approaches provide a starting point for the analysis of empirical practice data, by working through the relationship between the individual and the social via an ontological unpicking and revisioning of practitioners' social worlds.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (121) ◽  
pp. 171-186
Author(s):  
Bertel Nygaard

The Danish Social Democratic propaganda movie The Dream of Tomorrow was produced for the first post-war parliamentary election in Denmark in October 1945 to illustrate the project of social happiness as inscribed in the new electoral program of the party, Denmark of the Future. The vision of a future welfare state in the program was informed by new conceptions of the feasibility of relatively far-reaching social reform within capitalism, but also by concerns about the post-war strengthening of the Communist Party as a rival to the traditional hegemony of Danish Social Democracy, promp­ting the Social Democratic leadership to emphasize the radical nature of the change envisioned by the program. In the movie this specific political conjuncture of programmatic renewal and tactically determined rhetorical radicalism was translated into a synthesis of a political orientation towards immediate change and a utopian narrative of imaginary social happiness, seeking to appeal especially to young workers radicalized by the experience of occupation and resistance during the war. The overall result, however, was an uneasy balance between a political reform program and a utopian vison tied to the main ideological coordinates of the present, projected onto a future in which history seemed to have ended.


2020 ◽  
pp. 237-260
Author(s):  
Rim Feriani ◽  
Jasmina Bolfek-Radovani ◽  
Debra Kelly

This chapter considers the ways in which Khatibi’s practices of reading contribute to theories of meaning through his thinking on the deciphering of signs and symbols and of making sense of the world, and of the worlds of the text, in their multifaceted forms. It takes as its starting point what Khatibi terms, in his introductory essay ‘Le Cristal du Texte’ in La Bessure du Nom propre, ‘l’intersémiotique’, migrant signs which move between one sign system and another. Khatibi takes as his own project examples from semiotic systems found within Arabic and Islamic cultures, from both popular culture, such as the tattoo, to calligraphy and the language of the Koran, from the body to the text and beyond – including storytelling, mosaics, urban space, textiles. His readings reveal the intersemiotic and polysemic meanings created in the movements of these migrant signs between their sign systems. For Khatibi, this ‘infinity’ of the ‘text’ is linked also to a mobile and migrant identity refracted in the multifaceted surfaces of the crystal (hence the title of the essay – ‘Le Cristal du Texte’) rather than in one reflection as in a mirror. Moving from these concerns of Khatibi with which he develops his radical theory of the sign, of the word and of writing, the chapter goes on to propose new readings of a selection of other writers with a shared, but varied, relationship to their Islamic heritage. These are writers working with and through that heritage – and importantly, as for Khatibi, including the Sufi heritage – and whose writing is also resonant with Khatibi’s intersemiotic theoretical and cultural project concerned with the individual and the collective, the historical and the contemporary, the political, the social and the linguistic.


2002 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-251
Author(s):  
Kim Arne Pedersen

Grundtvig på anklagebænken[Grundtvig in the dock]By Kim Arne PedersenThe article opens with a review of Gr’s position after the second World War. The Heretica-era’s positive disposition towards religion and Christianity is inspired by the life-philosophy of Vilhelm Grønbech which in turn serves as a preliminary understanding of Gr’s thinking on the relationship between Christianity and folkelighed, the nourishing of a popular culture. Four significant currents have characterised Danish identity: Grundtvigianism, pietism, Brandes-influenced cultural radicalism and the social-democratic movement. Social-democratic thinking on social equality is examined in connection with the Grundtvigian-tendency’s elevation of the concept of folkelighed.With Reinhart Kosellek’s concept-historical methodology as aprompt, the Grundtvig-based concept offolkelighed is analysed in its association with the concept of liberty, ideas of social equilibrium, the question of a Constitution, and the concept of popular enlightenment (oplysning) in Gr’s authorship. The starting-point is an analysis of Gr’s ideas on Christianity andfolkelighed where it is pointed out that Gr, with his background in a Christian anthropology, emphasises their reciprocal bearing upon each other (vekselvirkning). The chief aim of the article is to demonstrate that the reception of Gr in the period 1883-1983 is characterised by a contest between, on the one hand, a philosophical interpretation of Gr which is linked with an understanding of the folkelighed-concept as an aspiration towards social equality and, on the other hand, a theological interpretation of Gr which concentrates upon humankind’s interaction with God in dialogue as the nub of Gr’s outlook on humankind.The article focuses upon the 1930s, when the social-democratic Education Minister Frederik Borgbjerg seizes upon the egalitarian aspect of Gr’s concept of folkelighed and uses it in the development of Social-Democracy into a national party. Borgberg’s interpretation of Gr embraces those components which characterise the following generation’s image of Gr: he is the supporter of liberty (and thereby tolerance), democracy and social equality, all as understood from their basis in the concept of folkelighed.Borgberg’s and Grønbech’s interpretations of Gr constitute the background to the understanding formed by Professor Hal Koch, church-historian and pillar of the folk-highschool system, of both Gr and the concept offolkelighed. But it is to be emphasised that Koch, in contrast to Borgberg and Grønbech, but in line with the author Jørgen Bukdahl, draws his understanding of the concept offolkelighed from the idea that the interaction between folkelighed and Christianity - that is, between the particular and the universal - is the underpinning perception in Gr’s writings.However, in the post-war period it is the thoughts of Pastor Kaj Thaning concerning the differentiation between Christianity and folkelighed which become dominant. Like Hal Koch, Thaning writes out of inspiration from the life-philosophy of Grønbech, but also like Koch he traces this back to its anchorage within Gr’s Christian universe.Thaning’s differentiation-thesis forms - against his own wishes – a starting-point for the 1970s convergence between the ideas of Gr and left-wing thinking on political emancipation, whereby the tendency from the 1930s now reaches its culmination: grounded in the construction of an adversarial relationship between Gr and grundtvigianism, and in a non-theological interpretation of Gr, the way is clear for Gr to become the leading figure in Danish national self-perception.In 1990 the literary historian and publicist Henning Fonsmark initiated the surge of criticism of Gr which from about 1992 has permeated the Danish public. With its starting-point in the debate over Denmark’s relationship to the European Union and over immigration into Denmark, one may observe a steadily more violent criticism of Gr among intellectuals who have a more or less loose connection to traditional cultural-radical milieus. At the same time the Danish immigration-opposed right wing, identifies itself with Gr - as in the case of the theological ‘Tidehverv’-movement, The Danish Association (Den Danske Forening) and The Danish National Party (Dansk Folkeparti). In contrast to the understanding of Gr hitherto prevailing, Gr is now widely interpreted as hostile to foreigners, intolerant, and the opponent of democracy and social equality.The viewpoint of the article is that both the right-wing use of Gr and the criticism of him are made possible only by an underestimation of his Christian premisses. When Gr’s Christian anthropology - and thereby the fellowship of dialogue between God and humankind - are appreciated as being the very core of his writings, then it becomes possible to maintain an image of Gr as the supporter of liberty, of social equality and of an enlightenment of and for life, which on the one hand appears as a consequence of modernity’s breakthrough in Western Europe and on the other takes its distinctive form from Gr’s understanding of Christianity as the bearer of that universality in whose light the particularity offolkelighed is to be understood. And it is this relationship which renders problematical a nationalistic reading of Gr’s authorship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
L.A. Osmuk

The problem covered in the article concerns the features of self-realization in students with disabilities. Self-realization is seen as the basic mechanism of social inclusion. For a disabled student, even the first attempts to demonstrate his/her potential may result in his/her successful inclusion in the educational environment contributing to an overall feeling of security. As an empirical material we use data of in-depth interview (n=12) conducted with students of the Institute of Social Technologies and Rehabilitation of Novosibirsk State Technical University; the results allow us to analyze the process of self-realization and its effects on the individual. The obtained variations of self-realization trajectories provide an opportunity to improve the work of the social and psychological support service of the Resource and Training Center taking into account the above mentioned mechanism. It is argued that self-realization is the starting point of motivation to self-inclusion.


Author(s):  
Theofanis Tassis ◽  

During the last decade Castoriadis’ questioning has become a reference point in contemporary social theory. In this article I examine some of the key notions in Castoriadis’ work and explore how he strives to develop a theory on the irreducible creativity in the radical imagination of the individual and in the institution of the social-historical sphere. Firstly, I briefly discuss his conception of modem capitalism as bureaucratic capitalism, a view initiated by his criticism of the USSR regime. The following break up with Marxist theory and his psychoanalytic interests empowered him to criticize Lacan and read Freud in an imaginative, though unorthodox, fashion. I argue that this criticai enterprise assisted greatly Castoriadis in his conception of the radical imaginary and in his unveiling of the political aspects of psychoanalysis. On the issue of the radical imaginary and its methodological repercussions, I’m focusing mainly on the radical imagination o f the subject and its importance in the transition from the “psychic” to the “subject”. Taking up the notion of “Being” as a starting point, I examine the notion of autonomy, seeking its roots in the ancient Greek world. By looking at notions such as “praxis”, “doing”, “project” and “elucidation”, I show how Castoriadis sought to redefine revolution as a means for social and individual autonomy. Finally I attempt to clarify the meaning of “democracy” and “democratic society” in the context of the social imaginary and its creations, the social imaginary significations.


1993 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Cavanagh Hodge

After 1945, the reordering of international affairs around the ideological polarities of Washington and Moscow initiated for European social democrats an extended period of self-examination. Accustomed to a place at the centre stage of ideas on the evolution of advanced capitalist economies, they suddenly found themselves in a smaller Europe, the principal theatre of the superpower confrontation. At the point when it seemed only reasonable to suppose that the crisis of industrial capitalism in the 1930s, followed by six years of war, would at last bring a durable electoral majority to the cause of reconstruction under democratic socialism, both domestic and international politics were full of new ambiguities. The hope of the immediate post-war years gave way to uncertainty. That uncertainty, however, could not be attributed to altered circumstances alone. The fact that the decade of the 1950s turned out to be ‘long’ – involving electoral defeats to which there appeared to be no obvious answers – was due in no small part to the nature of the social democratic tradition itself.1


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