scholarly journals The Development of the Political System in Afghanistan: Current Perspective in the Context of National Consensus-Building

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Amini Abdul Rahman ◽  
Camara Sidy ◽  
Mаnopov Mukhammadsolekh Musoevich ◽  
Shir Aqa Njeebullah
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Drug Crime ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Current Perspective ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Military

The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that at present the political system of Afghanistan requires fundamental changes: the political situation in the country continues to be complex and tense, and the tendency to aggravate the situation in the country is stable: terrorism, drug crime and corruption are common threats to both Afghanistan and the entire world community. Therefore, the search of the current perspective of the development of the political system of Afghanistan is the key factor to resolve this situation. Afghanistan continues to be a place of conflict between the interests of world and regional powers: the advantageous geopolitical and strategic location of Afghanistan makes it a key region in ensuring the stability of the military and political situation in the entire Central Asian region and gives it the opportunity to play an important role in economic, political and cultural interaction between the countries of the region. The purpose of the study is to consider the current perspective of the political system of Afghanistan. The article is devoted to the state of the modern political system of Afghanistan and the search for ways of its development and transformation. The current problems and ways of development of the political system of Afghanistan through the introduction of federalization and secularization are considered in detail. The author pays special attention to the fact that there are a lot of options for the development and transformation of the political system of Afghanistan, but on the way of their implementation in this country there are many problems.

scholarly journals LOS ARGUMENTOS LIBERALES Y REPUBLICANOS EN TORNO A LA LEY DE CADUCIDAD EN URUGUAY: UNA MIRADA DESDE LA POSICIÓN DE LOS ACTORES DEL SISTEMA POLÍTICO

2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Martín Freigedo Peláez
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theoretical Discussion ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
The Military

En su mayoría, los crímenes contra los derechos humanos cometidos por el Estado uruguayo en el período previo a la dictadura cívico-militar, y durante la misma, aún están impunes. Esto es consecuencia, en parte, de la aprobación en 1986 de la ley de Caducidad Punitiva del Estado, que limita al Poder Judicial a intervenir sobre estos. Sin embargo, las discusiones políticas en torno a las violaciones de los derechos humanos están latentes y son parte de un proceso que todavía no tiene un punto final. En este sentido, las posiciones de los actores del sistema político han sido muy disímiles y han cambiado según la coyuntura política del país. En este artículo se presentan las posiciones liberales y republicanas de dichos actores para argumentar sus posturas en torno a la vieja discusión teórica sobre los derechos humanos y la soberanía popular. The liberal and republican arguments about the Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State: a look from the position of the actors in the political systemAbstract                                                 Most of the crimes against human rights committed by the Uruguayan government during the military dictatorship period remain unpunished. This is due in part, by the adoption in 1986 of Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State, limiting the judiciary to intervene over such crimes. However, policy discussions about the violations of human rights are still present and far from an endpoint. The actors of the political system have taken very different positions over this matter with changes according to the political situation of the country. In this article, we present the liberal and republican positions of these actors to argue their attitude towards the old theoretical discussion of human rights and popular sovereignty. 

Ein Ende mit Schrecken – Frankreich nach den Wahlen

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Economic Transformations ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Deep Crisis

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

The Role of the M.P. in Tanzania

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Authority Relationships ◽  
New States ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
The Military ◽  
National Legislatures

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.

scholarly journals Tindakan Korupsi sebagai Tindakan Imoral dalam Perspektif Fungsional (Kajian Film Korupsi dan Kita: Rumah Perkara)

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Muryanti Muryanti
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Political System ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Positive Function ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Value ◽  
Land Occupation ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Functional Perspective ◽  
Political Function

Abstrak. Perilaku korupsi dalam perspektif fungsionalisme structural berfungsi sebagai pelumas birokrasi untuk mempercepat sistem birokrasi menjalankan tugasnya. Korupsi merupakan salah satu fungsi melekat dalam fungsi politik dan fungsi ekonomi yang berjalan beriringan untuk memperoleh keuntungan maksimal. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui fungsi positif dari korupsi pada sistem politik di film: Korupsi dan Kita: Rumah Perkara. Film ini merupakan salah satu cermin situasi perpolitikan di Indonesia yang sangat rentan dengan perilaku dan tindak pidana korupsi. Metode penelitian adalah kualitatif dengan menganalisis data sekunder film dan menganalisisnya dengan perspektif structural fungsional. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa fungsi positif dari korupsi benar-benar dijalankan oleh pebisnis untuk mendapatkan keuntungan dari bisnisnya tanpa mempertimbangkan moral dan mengabaikan moral itu sendiri. Perilaku bisnis bekerjasama dengan pejabat dengan melakukan suap untuk menggoalkan tujuannya. Kedua belah pihak sama-sama mendapatkan keuntungan maksimal karena kepentingan bisnis dan politik bisa berjalan beriringan. Sisi yang lain, masyarakat banyak menderita karena perilaku korupsi, diantaranya: kehilangan lahan, pekerjaan dan tanah kelahiran.    Kata Kunci: Tindakan Korupsi, Imoral, Amoral dan Struktural Fungsional  Abstract. Corrupt behaviour, in the perspective of structural functionalism, function as the lubricant of bureaucracy to quicken the bureaucracy system in doing their job. Corruption does have political function as well as economical client which runs simultaneously to gain maximum advantage. This writing is aimed to discover the positive function of corruptionin the political system in the movie Korupsidan Kita: RumahPerkara. This movie is one example of political situation in Indonesia which is very vulnerable to corruption. The research method is qualitative by analysing secondary data, which is movie, with structural and functional perspective. The result of the research shows that the positive function of corruption is really done by the businessman to gain advantage towards their business but with ignoring the moral value. In reaching the goal, businessman cooperate with government officers. The two parties get the advantages because business and political importance can actually run together. In the other side, society suffer from this corruption activity for example: losing land, occupation and birthplace.Keywords: corruption, immoral, structural and functional

scholarly journals FEATURES OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SELJUK EMPIRE AND THE BEGINNING OF THE POLITICAL CRISIS

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Dzhumadullaeva ◽  
◽  
E. Zulpykharova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Military ◽  
Culture And Language ◽  
Strategic Goal

The article considers the fact that the Seljuk state was founded by the Oghuz Seljuks, as well as the internal social policy of the Seljuk empire as a prerequisite for a crisis in the country (late XI and early XII centuries). The Seljuks combined the fragmented political landscape of the eastern Islamic world and played a key role in first and second crusades. Strongly Persianized in culture and language, the Seljuks also played an important role in the development of the Turkic-Persian tradition, even exporting Persian culture to Anatolia. The resettlement of Turkic tribes in the northwestern peripheral parts of the empire with the military strategic goal of repelling the invasions of neighboring states led to the gradual Turkization of these territories. Sultans handed out nobles and ordinary warriors to the nobility - ikta, which made it possible for the sultan to maintain power. At the end of the XI century, large conquests ended, bringing the nobility new lands and military booty, which led to a change in the political situation in the country. Know began to strive to turn their possessions into legally hereditary, and their power over the Rayyats - into unlimited; the owners of large Lenas raised rebellions, seeking independence (Khorezm in the 1st half of the XII century). To provide the army with land (ICT), wages, gifts, food, weapons, uniforms, medicines, the Sultan's government went to any expense. The widespread use of ICT in the army has allowed the creation of a stable mercenary army, specializing in the change of people's squads

scholarly journals The anniversary of the military coup attempt in Turkey, July 15–16, 2016. The evolution of a political system

2017 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Ruling Party ◽  
Coup Attempt

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.

Variations among North African Military Regimes

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Federico Battera
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
North African ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
Supreme Council ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Military

This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their political development. In particular, the Algerian army’s approach to civilian institutions changed after a civilian president was chosen in 1999. This was not the case in Egypt after the demise of the Hosni Mubarak regime of 2011. Other important variations are to be found in the way power has been distributed among the military apparatuses themselves. In the case of Egypt, a principle of collegiality has been generally preserved within a body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is absent in the case of Algeria, where conflicts between military opposed factions are more likely to arise in case of crisis. How differences generally impact the stability of military rule in these two cases is the main contribution of this paper.

Fascism or Illusionism of Capitalist Dominance in Brazil?

2020 ◽  
pp. 77-97
Author(s):  
Raphael Lana Seabra
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Social Classes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Political Situation

This chapter aims to debate the pertinence of fascism as a concept for analyzing the recent socio-political situation in Brazil. It confronts the fact that there has been, in the last few years, a rise of politicians and movements that seem to reproduce elements typical of fascism: a tendency towards authoritarianism, leadership strength, the decimation of minorities, and a hatred towards the left and differences in general. Confronting the emergence of these phenomena, the chapter will examine certain facts, tendencies, and social classes in contemporary Brazil. The particularities of the political system of domination in dependent capitalism will be highlighted. The power and exploitation structure of dependent capitalism presents significant obstacles for the emergence of a minimally cohesive fascist movement. The country has, however, a repressive and political structure that is not very democratic.

Lebanon: A Military in Politics in a Divided Society

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oren Barak
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Divided Society ◽  
The Military

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.

Thai charter vote foreshadows post-transition politics

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Military

Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.

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