Nonproliferation Policy Crossroads: The US-India Nuclear Cooperation Agreement

Author(s):  
Gerald Felix Warburg
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
James F. Goode

This chapter opens with the 1976 presidential campaign. Each candidate made efforts to attract Greek Americans’ support, but Carter criticized Ford’s handling of Cyprus, promising to do more for the island, and won them over. Vice President Mondale played a major role in formulating foreign policy and also served as liaison with his former colleagues in Congress. The new administration had to decide quickly how to deal with Cyprus. The US-Turkey Defense Cooperation Agreement that Ford had submitted to Congress caused some awkwardness for the Democrats. The new president sent senior statesman Clark Clifford to the eastern Mediterranean to gather information. Following Clifford’s report, the administration seemed ready to pursue a bizonal solution on the island, which Archbishop Makarios was willing to accept. With Makarios’s unexpected death and Turkey’s continuing resistance to US pressure, however, the White House paid less attention to the island, turning its attention to other regional troubles.


2005 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
John AE Vervaele

In the period between 1980 and 1995, both Europe and the US made huge investments in Latin America. The process of democratization in Latin America, especially in the countries marked by a tradition of military dictatorship, has reinforced the belief in political and economic stability. The economy has displayed considerable growth and, partly stimulated by the IMF and the World Bank, several countries are embarking on privatization on a grand scale.2 Political and economic cooperation between the countries is taking the place of political and military rivalry. The time is ripe for a new attempt at integration on this continent. The overtures between Argentina and Brazil led to the establishment of Mercosur. Its economic (Mercosur is the fourth largest trade bloc in the world after the US, the EU, and Japan) and political importance have been recognized, especially by the EU. As early as 1996,3 an Interinstitutional Cooperation Agreement was concluded, an interregional framework agreement for cooperation between the EU Member States and Mercosur States parties.4 Since then, the EU-Mercosur Bi-regional Negotiations Committee (BNC)5 has already had ten meetings at which topics such as the free movement of goods, public procurement, investments, services, e-commerce, and conflict resolution were discussed. The US has never appreciated the attempts at integration in Latin America and has always striven to conclude separate free trade agreements with each individual country. The recent free trade agreement with Chile is a clear example.6


Author(s):  
Monika Barthwal-Datta

Abstract This article investigates how senior Bush administration officials publicly legitimized the administration's proposal for a United States-India Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement in 2005–2006, in their efforts to get the proposal approved by Congress. Adopting a critical constructivist approach, I argue that the Bush administration's proposed nuclear deal with India, a nonparty to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), clashed with, and destabilized, official United States self-identity representations as a creator/upholder of the global nuclear nonproliferation regime. The Bush administration's efforts to mediate this conflict took the form of a strategic issue narrative, to create a discursive “moment of possibility” for the proposed policy shift. This narrative drew on existing United States discourses of India's subject positions and naturalized the latter as a Similar Enough Other deserving exception under United States, and global, nonproliferation regimes. The narrative aligned these constructions of India, and of the proposed deal as an “unprecedented opportunity” for the United States to forge closer strategic relations with India, with representations of a global order as shifting toward Asia. In doing so, it reoriented United States-India relations toward a highly desirable future, contingent on congressional approval of the proposed deal. The analysis makes an important conceptual contribution to the literature on strategic narratives, and critical constructivist scholarship more broadly, by illuminating how policy actors use strategic issue narratives, and the construction of specific subject positions therein, to redraw the boundaries of acceptable action vis-à-vis an Other that, at first glance, seems precluded in the prevailing normative-discursive environment.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Md. Saifur Rahman ◽  
Shahari Farihana

Purpose This paper aims to examine whether the US influences the ASEAN + 3 financial market integration. Design/methodology/approach A two-stage cointegration test is used in the estimation by using equity indices from selected member economies and the USA. Findings The finding of this study shows that the equity markets of ASEAN + 3 are integrated especially after the Asian crisis period reflecting the regional cooperation. There is a strong market nexus between ASEAN + 3 and the USA, but the ASEAN + 3 financial cooperation agreement does not depend on the US financial market. Originality/value The study offers invaluable policy implications for developing the nexus in the regional equity markets.


2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (142) ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Ana Garcia

The Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) could not be set up in the way and time the US-Government firstly wanted. Among others, one of the main reasons was the wide spread network resistance that involved trade unions, social movements and grass roots organizations from North and South America, who worked together to pressure their governments to stop negotiations. A new space for action has emerged in the last few years with the election of left-wing Presidents in South America, converging interest of governments with demands from social movements to overcome neoliberal regional integration. A concrete alternative project against FTAA came up from the cooperation agreement between Venezuela und Cuba, but extended to other countries: The "bolivarian" Alternative for the Americas and Caribbean (ALBA) seeks to establish solidary ways of integration in Latin America.


Significance In a packed, high-profile programme, Trump will meet Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) leaders, attend bilateral Saudi talks and address a summit of Muslim rulers. This comes four days after a visit to the White House by Mohammed bin Zayed, the powerful crown prince of Abu Dhabi, who won a defence cooperation agreement. Impacts Trump is likely to pursue a 'Gulf First' approach to the Arab world. The US government risks being drawn into the complex regional conflict in Yemen. US-UAE military cooperation trialled in Yemen could ultimately extend to the Horn of Africa. GCC-based funds will invest heavily in US infrastructure projects.


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