scholarly journals The information published by local governments. The websites of Catalonia’s municipal governments

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
A Moreno Sardà ◽  
◽  
P Molina Rodríguez-Navas ◽  
M Corcoy Rius
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-54
Author(s):  
Harsya Harun

Penyelenggaraan kewenangan pemerintah daerah telah bergeser ke arah prinsip ultra vires doctrine yang nampak pada perumusan kewenangan pemerintah daerah menjadi urusan pemerintah daerah, dan pembagian kewenangan pemerintah pusat dan daerah mengedepankan prinsip yang kongkuren.Kondisi ini ditandai dengan penyelenggaraan urusan pendidikan yang terbagi antara pemerintah kabupaten/kota dengan pemerintah provinsi, dimana untuk pendidikan dasar diselenggarakan oleh pemerintah kabupaten/kota sedang pendidikan menengah dikelola oleh pemerintah provinsi. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan motode kualitatif melalui observasi dan kajian pustaka.  Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan penyelenggaraan urusan pendidikan menengah yang dialihkan kepada pemerintah provinsi akan menimbulkan sejumlah kecenderungan baru dalam pengelolaannya baik pada pemerintah daerah maupun pada pemerintah provinsi. Pertama, bahwa kebijakan – kebijakan yang selama ini dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah daerah terkait bidang pendidikan tidak seluruhnya akan diakomodir oleh pemerintah provinsi. Kedua, kecenderungan pada meningkatnya alokasi anggaran pada pemerintah provinsi sebagai ekses pengalihan kewenangan tersebut. Ketiga, proses evaluasi, pengawasan dan pengendalian penyelenggaraan pendidikan menengah oleh pemerintah provinsi yang akan semakin berat dilihat dari sisi letak geografis wilayah, dan keempat kekhawatiran akan kurang terakomodirnya muatan kearifan lokal dalam penerapan kurikulum, dimana sebelumnya setiap kabupaten/kota tentunya memiliki karakteristik budaya yang berbeda sebagai bentuk kearifan lokal yang dapat menjadi penguat dalam penyusunan kurikulum pendidikan. Key Words : Penyelenggaraan Urusan Pemerintahan, Pendidikan Menengah   Abstract Implementation of local government authority has shifted towards the principle of ultra vires doctrine which appears on the formulation of local government authority to the affairs of local government, and the division of central and local government authority put forward the principle of kongkuren. This condition is characterized by the implementation of educational affairs divided between district / municipal governments and provincial governments, where basic education is administered by district / municipal governments while high school is managed by the provincial government. This research was conducted with qualitative motive approach through observation and literature review. The results of this study indicate that the implementation of secondary education affairs transferred to the provincial government will lead to new trends in the management of both local government and provincial governments. First, that the policies that have been issued by local governments related to the education sector will not be entirely accommodated by the provincial government. Second, the tendency to increase budget allocation to the provincial government as an excess of the transfer of authority. Third, the process of evaluation, supervision and control of the implementation of high school by the provincial government will be more severe in terms of geographical location of the region, and the four concerns will be less accommodated local wisdom content in the application of the curriculum, where previously each district government / different as a form of local wisdom that can be a reinforcement in the preparation of educational curriculum. Key Words :Implementation of Government Affairs, High School


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 42-54
Author(s):  
Karl Guenther ◽  
Todd Swanstrom ◽  
Thomas F. George

Increasingly, suburban universities find themselves in communities facing challenges that inner cities have had to deal with for decades, including concentrated poverty, housing vacancy, and underperforming school districts. While the problems are similar, the institutional context is different. Compared to central cities, suburban municipal governments generally lack the resources necessary to sustain robust community economic development initiatives. Further, suburbs often lack the rich landscape of nonprofit organizations that were built up over many decades in central cities. This article reflects on the experience of the University of Missouri-St. Louis as a case study of a suburban anchor institution. This experience suggests that anchor institutions in suburban settings need to focus on asset-based community development, support collective action among fragmented institutions, and build the civic capacity of local governments, nonprofits, and businesses.


2021 ◽  
pp. 303-328
Author(s):  
Jeffrey S. Sutton

The US Constitution never mentions “city,” “county,” or “township,” not even “local” or “municipal” governments. It concerns itself only with sovereign entities. Because local governments “cannot claim to be sovereigns” and because whatever power a local government has tends to flow from its state, that sounds like the end of the matter. But local governments still exercise sovereign powers, including law enforcement, eminent domain, education, taxing, zoning, and other indispensable “attributes of sovereignty.” Even if the US Constitution does not mention cities by name and even if cities cannot claim sovereign status, the federal charter still has ample consequences for municipal governments. This chapter takes vertical separation of powers one step further, to federalism within federalism. It explains the division of powers between state and local governments and chronicles disputes that have arisen between them. If, in modern America, like-minded people increasingly gravitate to similar states, the same is true within states, whether in cities, suburbs, or rural areas. Home rule and other local allocations of power sometimes allow people in these communities to express their distinct political preferences and live under them, too.


Author(s):  
Abdul Razak Mohamed

The fast growing information and communication technology (ICT) sector brought in the use of computers, internet and mobile phones not only by the technocrats but also by the general public to receive and send communication faster, cheaper and easier. This situation brought out visible changes in people life, government function and cities spatial form and structure. Globally, the e-Governance system approach attempts to change the government-centered planning and delivery of civic services to people-centered planning and execution of development. It is also evident that the transformation is prominent not only in the planning and production of services but also in terms of urban local government system. This is to state that there are two noticeable visible changes in the government system such as (a) Government to Governance, and (b) Governance to e-Governance. These changes make the central, state and local governments more responsible, transparent, and participatory in terms of planning, development and management of towns and cities. But due to the urgency and cope with the World order the central, state and local governments in India introduce e-Governance without looking into the concept of e-Readiness. This chapter attempts to explore the basic question such as how the application of e-Governance system to be considered as an important means towards improvement in the service delivery systems of urban local governments within the perspective of e-Readiness.


Author(s):  
Bernardino Benito ◽  
Francisco Bastida ◽  
Cristina Vicente

This paper aims to analyse the impact of the electoral schedule on municipal governments’ financial activities. Specifically, we pay attention to capital spending, current spending and taxes. We use a long time series (1989-2008) of the 45 municipalities of the Region of Murcia (Spain). Our results show the existence of Political Budget Cycles on capital spending and taxes. We find an increase of capital spending in the electoral and pre-electoral years, when the impact is higher on voters. Taxes are reduced in the election year. We also prove that the mayor’s political orientation and political strength impact Political Budget Cycles. The mayor’s decision of running for re-election does not affect the magnitude of the cycle.


Author(s):  
Maiko Sugawara ◽  
Hirokazu Nagano ◽  
Tomoya Beppu ◽  
Tomoyuki Inagaki

The Barrier-Free Basic Plan (BFBP) of Japan is based on Article 25 in the Act on the Promotion of Smooth Transportation, etc. of Elderly Persons, Disabled Persons, etc., abbreviated as the “Barrier-Free Act”. BFBPs are created by municipal governments and play a crucial role in progressing the accessibility of existing buildings/facilities in cities. However, the number of municipal governments which have their own BFBPs stands at only 304 out of a total of approximately 1700 municipalities in 2020. The purpose of this paper is to describe the barriers and difficulties that administrative officers face in creating and managing BFBPs. The questionnaires were distributed in 2018 to 183 municipal governments which have their own BFBPs. The procedures of analyzing the results were as follows: 1) motivation for creating their own BFBPs, 2) supportive advisers in proceeding with the creation of BFBPs, 3) difficulties of creating their own BFBPs, 4) key factors promoting the quality of BFBPs, and 5) self-evaluation of their own BFBPs. In conclusion, the challenges that administrative officers faced in creating BFBPs and the required measures to raise the quality of BFBPs on a practical level were discovered, by considering the population scales of municipalities and the establishment year of the BFBP. The continuous removing of obstacles in existing buildings based on BFBPs will allow for more comfortable and accessible cities for everyone.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morgan Currie ◽  
W. F. Umi Hsu

Most of the current academic literature on open data looks outward at the data’s reuse by the public. is article describes, rather, the cultural practice of open data inside city governments. Hand-in-hand with the launch of open data policies, city governments have embraced data analytics to track performance, set goals, justify budget expenditures, direct public services, and represent their work to the public. rough an increased need to data-fy, or to transform records or actions into digital data, sta considers the analytical possibilities of existing administrative records both as economic evidence of government activities and as reusable assets with statistical and machine-actionable functions. ese data practices provide a legitimized way for municipal governments to know and govern the city and manage its resources. Contended as performative acts, local governments’ data practices help the city perform aspects of its functions and values such accountability, transparency, and democracy.


2018 ◽  
pp. 971
Author(s):  
Felix Hoehn ◽  
Michael Stevens

Do municipal governments embody the Crown to the extent that they owe a duty to consult with Indigenous groups when a local government decision might detrimentally impact Aboriginal rights? The authors point to two legal trends: jurisprudential recognition of administrative bodies’ ability to satisfy the duty in certain circumstances, and the expansion of the scope and role of municipal governments. The authors argue that when a province creates local governments with broad powers, the exercise of the powers conferred on the municipal governments are still subject to constitutional limits, such as the duty to consult. The article also highlights policy and practical considerations in support of this argument.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 476
Author(s):  
Takaaki Suzuki ◽  
Tohru Ikeda

Context In Japan, the raccoon is an invasive, non-native mammal that causes significant agricultural damage and impacts on native biodiversity throughout the country. Local governments are mainly responsible for raccoon management. Intensive control campaigns focused on the early invasion stage have controlled raccoons in some regions but, generally, there are very few regions where raccoon numbers have been reduced sustainably, and no raccoon populations have been eradicated. Aims To improve national management of raccoons and canvass the opinions and perceptions of local government officers involved in raccoon control, and to review the efficiency and effectiveness of raccoon management strategies. Methods A questionnaire survey of 47 prefectural and 366 municipal governments was conducted, regarding raccoon management measures, during 2012 and 2013. The survey covered two topics: (1) management difficulties experienced by officers; and (2) details of the current raccoon management regime. Key results Efforts to manage raccoon populations have encountered some difficulties, including shortages of raccoon control officers, funding, expertise in raccoon biology and management, and lack of information about the invasion status of local raccoon populations and ecological traits of raccoons. Prefectures not currently managing raccoons indicated that they suffered from a lack of appropriate management procedures. However, current management programs were not generally functioning efficiently or effectively because many local governments did not implement appropriate monitoring. About 70% of local governments did not set control target indices, and there were very few quantitative datasets that could be used to measure the effectiveness of control in reducing raccoon impacts. Conclusions Best practice management programs have been being implemented in very few government areas, with institutional characteristics and difficulties in obtaining relevant information causing major problems. Implications Collecting and sharing information about effective raccoon management methods and case study examples from successful regions would enable other local administrations to select and implement the most effective and efficient control strategy, methods and monitoring program for their region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (3) ◽  
pp. 677-690
Author(s):  
JULIA A. PAYSON

Why do local governments sometimes hire lobbyists to represent them in other levels of government? I argue that such mobilization efforts depend in part on the policy congruence between localities and their elected delegates in the legislature. I provide evidence consistent with this theory by examining how municipal governments in the United States respond to partisan and ideological mismatches with their state legislators—a common representational challenge. Using almost a decade of original panel data on municipal lobbying in all 50 states, I employ difference-in-differences and a regression discontinuity design to demonstrate that cities are significantly more likely to hire lobbyists when their districts elect non-co-partisan state representatives. The results are broadly consistent with a model of intergovernmental mobilization in which local officials purchase advocacy to compensate for the preference gaps that sometimes emerge in multilevel government.


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