scholarly journals West Africa and the U.S. War on Terror

Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hongbin Yu ◽  
Qian Tan ◽  
Lillian Zhou ◽  
Yaping Zhou ◽  
Huisheng Bian ◽  
...  

Abstract. This study characterizes a massive African dust intrusion into the Caribbean Basin and southern U.S. in June 2020, which is nicknamed the Godzilla dust plume, using a comprehensive set of satellite and ground-based observations (including MODIS, CALIOP, SEVIRI, AERONET, and EPA Air Quality network) and the NASA GEOS global aerosol transport model. The MODIS data record registered this massive dust intrusion event as the most intense episode over the past two decades. During this event, the aerosol optical depth observed by AERONET and MODIS peaked at 3.5 off the coast of West Africa and 1.8 in the Caribbean Basin. CALIOP observations show that the top of dust plume reached altitudes of 6–8 km in West Africa and descended to about 4 km altitude over the Caribbean Basin and 2 km over the U.S. Gulf coast. The dust plume degraded the air quality in Puerto Rico to the hazardous level, with maximum daily PM10 concentration of 453 μg m−3 recorded on June 23. The dust intrusion into the U.S. raised the PM2.5 concentration on June 27 to a level exceeding the EPA air quality standard in about 40 % of the stations in the southern U.S. Satellite observations reveal that dust emissions from convection-generated haboobs and other sources in West Africa were large albeit not extreme on a daily basis. However, the anomalous strength and northern shift of the North Atlantic Subtropical High (NASH) together with the Azores low formed a closed circulation pattern that allowed for accumulation of the dust near the African coast for about four days. When the NASH was weakened and wandered back to south, the dust outflow region was dominated by a strong African Easterly Jet that rapidly transported the accumulated dust from the coastal region toward the Caribbean Basin, resulting in the record-breaking African dust intrusion. In comparison to satellite observations, the GEOS model well reproduced the MODIS observed tracks of the meandering dust plume as it was carried by the wind systems. However, the model substantially underestimated dust emissions from haboobs and did not lift up enough dust to the middle troposphere for ensuing long-range transport. Consequently, the model largely missed the satellite-observed elevated dust plume along the cross-ocean track and underestimated the dust intrusion into the Caribbean Basin by a factor of more than 4. Modeling improvements need to focus on developing more realistic representations of moist convection, haboobs, and the vertical transport of dust.


Author(s):  
Shawn Malley

Well-known in popular culture for tomb-raiding and mummy-wrangling, the archaeologist is also a rich though often unacknowledged figure for constructing ‘strange new worlds’ from ‘strange old worlds’ in science fiction. But more than a well-spring for scenarios, SF’s archaeological imaginary is also a hermeneutic tool for excavating the ideological motivations of digging up the past buried in the future. A cultural study of an array of popular though critically neglected North American SF film and television texts–spanning the gamut of telefilms, pseudo-documentaries, teen serial drama and Hollywood blockbusters–Excavating the Future treats archaeology as a trope for exploring the popular archaeological imagination and the uses to which it is being put by the U.S. state and its adversaries. By treating SF texts as documents of archaeological experience circulating within and between scientific and popular culture communities and media, Excavating the Future develops critical strategies for analyzing SF film and television’s critical and adaptive responses to contemporary geopolitical concerns about the war on terror, homeland security, the invasion and reconstruction of Iraq, and the ongoing fight against ISIS.


Author(s):  
Noel Maurer

This introductory chapter discusses the shift from politicized confrontations like the imbroglio of 1900 to legalized disputes like the more orderly affair of 2007. It advances four basic findings. First, American government intervention on behalf of U.S. foreign investors was astoundingly successful at extracting compensation through the 1980s. Second, American domestic interests trumped strategic concerns again and again, for small economic gains relative to the U.S. economy and the potential strategic losses. Third, the United States proved unable to impose institutional reform in Latin America and West Africa even while American agents were in place. Finally, the technology that the U.S. government used to protect American property rights overseas changed radically over time.


2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-116
Author(s):  
Russell Ong
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-80
Author(s):  
Maira Hayat

This essay tracks the relationship between the legal and the lethal in the Central Intelligence Agency’s operations in Pakistan as part of the U.S.-led war on terror. I juxtapose an account of an automobile accident in Lahore on 26 January 2011 involving the Blackwater employee, Raymond Davis, with a drone strike in the North Waziristan Agency in Pakistan’s (former) Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), the day after Davis was released by a court in Pakistan. I examine these “sovereign accidents” as articulations of the legal, political and democratic, and as sites upon which to (re)build understandings of sovereignty and its flourishes. Contrary to the popular tendency to see FATA as a marginal border region, that quintessential space of exception, I examine the FATA as jurisdiction. I thread together political discourse and practice in the U.S. and Pakistan, and by examining media coverage and litigation around the accidents, I show how a question of freedom of information in one setting is a question of life itself in another setting. At stake is the meaning and valence of law, the political, and the promise of postcolonial sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Navin A. Bapat

This study argues that the war on terror can be explained as an effort to cement the U.S. dollar as the world’s foremost reserve currency by expanding American control over the global energy markets. Since the 1970s, the states of OPEC agreed to denominate their oil sales in U.S. dollars in exchange for American military protection. The 9/11 attacks gave the U.S. cover to eliminate current challengers to this system while simultaneously striking new security agreements with host states throughout the Middle East, Africa, and central Asia that are critical to the extraction, sale, and transportation of energy to global markets. However, the U.S. security guarantee soon created a moral hazard problem. Since the host states had American protection, they were free to engage in corrupt behaviors—while labeling their political opponents as terrorists. To make matters worse, these states had incentives to keep terrorists in their territory, given that doing so would force the U.S. to protect them indefinitely. As a result of this moral hazard problem, terrorists in the host states gradually grew in power and transitioned to insurgencies, which caused a rapid escalation in violence. Facing the increasing cost of securing the host states, the U.S. was forced to scale back its security guarantee, which in turn contributed to greater violence in the energy market. Although the U.S. began the war to maintain its economic dominance, it now finds itself locked into a seemingly permanent war for its economic security.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
Richard L. Abel

The rule of law is a foundation of the liberal state. There is broad consensus about its core, extending across the political spectrum. Our own experience tragically teaches that the rule of law is most endangered when those exercising state power feel threatened: during and after wars and in response to social protest.      


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