Political Authority and Political Power

2013 ◽  
pp. 47-60
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Political Authority

"FREELY ELECTED IN FEAR": PRINCELY ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL POWER IN EARLY MODERN TRANSYLVANIA

2003 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graeme Murdock
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Sufficient Power ◽  
The Right ◽  
Broad Consensus

AbstractTransylvania's survival was threatened by both its Habsburg and Ottoman neighbors. Given this precarious international position, ruling princes required sufficient power to govern effectively, and also needed to maintain a broad consensus for their right to exercise authority over the diverse political elite. A successful balance of power between princes and the estates was built around the freedoms granted to a number of different churches, and around the right of the diet to elect princes. This article examines the elections of Gábor Bethlen and other Calvinist princes in Transylvania during the early seventeenth century. Even though these elections were rarely free or fair, they provided a key basis for the growing political authority of princes who were widely identified as divinely-appointed rulers. Transylvania thus provides a model of a competence for elective monarchy, a form of political organization often thought to lead inevitably to unstable and ineffective government.

scholarly journals Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument

1993 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Weiler
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Human Nature ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Rhetorical Criticism ◽  
Political Authority

Rhetorical criticism examines ideology as a form of strategic argumentation that functions to legitimize political authority. Ideology presents itself as political philosophy in a way that calls attention to its argumentation. Ideological arguments support claims (1) that those who wield political power represent the interests of all, and (2) that the existing social order is natural and inevitable in light of human nature. Functionally, ideology is indispensible, but perverse. Formally, ideology is argumentation that obscures its partiality under claims to universality.

Group Intentions and Oppression

Philosophy ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 88 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Moltchanova
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Group Actions ◽  
Institutional Structure ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The Other ◽  
Collective Intentionality ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Hybrid Account ◽  
Reductive Theory ◽  
Joint Group

AbstractA reductive theory of collective intentionality would imply that the ‘official’ intentions of an oppressive political authority cannot be constructed from the intentions of individuals when they follow the authority's rules. This makes it difficult to explain the unraveling of official group plans through time in a seemingly consistent fashion, and the corresponding source of coercion. A non-reductive theory, on the other hand, cannot capture whether the actions of individuals in an oppressive society are free or coerced, so long as a manifest institutional structure and rules are in place. I put forward a hybrid account of group intentionality that is capable of articulating why oppressive political power is illegitimate, which comes down to the official and individual intentions in joint group actions diverging in such a way that individuals are not governed on the basis of dependent reasons.

"Bottom Power:" Theorizing Feminism and the Women's Movement in Sierra Leone (1981-2007)

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynda Day
Keyword(s):  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Male Privilege ◽  
Economic Marginality

Abstract This paper examines the theory and praxis of women's political activism in contemporary Sierra Leone. In spite of the steady upswing in the number of women elected or appointed to positions of political authority, the growing influence of women in politics runs into male resistance which privately and derisively refers to women's newly held positions of authority and public clout as "bottom power." This essay proposes that male pushback results from a neo-liberal women's movement that frames women's economic marginality and lack of access to political power as the result of patriarchy and male privilege, rather than using an African feminist framework which recognizes women's lack of resources as primarily the result of the appropriation of the country's wealth by multinational corporations, lending agencies and members of the elite. If viewed from this perspective, the women's movement would be framed as a socially transformative struggle for all sectors of society, and not as a contest between men and women for power.

scholarly journals Poder político fiduciario y soberanía popular. Libertad política, confianza y revolución en la filosofía política de Locke

Daímon ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 33-48
Author(s):  
Jordi Mundó
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Public Good ◽  
John Locke ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
Free People ◽  
Republican Theory

La teoría republicana moderna de la concepción revolucionaria de la soberanía popular tuvo un eslabón fundamental en la filosofía política de John Locke, quien elaboró un argumento en favor de la libertad natural y de la autonomía de juicio de los individuos, y en contra de la sujeción natural y la alienación de la libertad política. Concibe la autoridad política como un poder político fiduciario instituido para el fin del bien público. Cuando los gobernantes actúan para fines distintos de los encomendados, arbitrariamente o por su interés propio, la confianza se pierde y el ejercicio del poder político regresa a las manos del pueblo libre. Modern republican theory of the revolutionary conception of popular sovereignty had a fundamental link in the political philosophy of John Locke, who elaborated an argument in favour of the natural freedom and autonomy of judgment of individuals, and against the natural subjection and alienation of political freedom. He conceives of political authority as a fiduciary political power instituted for the end of public good. When the trustees act for ends other than those entrusted, arbitrarily or for his own interest, trust is forfeited and the exercise of political power returns to the hands of the free people.

scholarly journals The Khon Clan and the Sakyapas

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2021/1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexa Péter
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Close Relative ◽  
Significant Power ◽  
The Family ◽  
A Minor ◽  
Religious Aspects ◽  
First Time

Khon Konchog Gyalpo, the main disciple of Drogmi, founded a monastery at Sakya. It was this monastery that gave its name to the whole monastic order of Drogmi. Konchog was a member of the Khon clan, the family that went on to produce the successive abbots or chief lamas of Sakya who have continued as the heads of this order ever since. The succession of abbots within the family was established on the father-to-son or uncle-to-nephew pattern. In the instance of an abbot remaining celibate, it was his brother or a close relative who continued the family line and oversaw the monastery’s worldly affairs; when the abbot died, he was succeeded by one of his nephews. The Sakyas reached the summit of political power when Sakya Pandita and Phagpa won the confidence and favour of Mongolian khans. The Sakyas were appointed as regents of Tibet, whereby Tibet became subject to a single political authority for the first time after the collapse of the monarchy. The aim of this paper is to show the development of the Khon clan, how a minor aristocratic family was transformed into a significant power in Tibet in both historical and religious aspects, through the efforts of some prominent members of Khon family.

Militancy, Monarchy and the Struggle to Desacralise Kingship in Arabia

2017 ◽  
pp. 203-218
Author(s):  
Ahmed Dailami
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Religious Violence ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
Theoretical Assumptions ◽  
Economic Capacity

Thirty years of scholarship on Saudi Arabia has assumed a fused relationship between religious and political authority at the helm of a petro-state. This chapter questions the fundamental theoretical assumptions about that relationship both historically and in the contemporary era. By examining the tensions between religious violence, the state’s political authority, and the liberal solutions that have emerged to resolve them, the chapter both draws out the ideological lineage of Saudi reformism for the post-Islamist era, while suggesting new ways to conceptualize political power as distinct from religious authority or economic capacity. In the process, the chapter takes stock of Saudi Arabia’s puritan tradition as its monarchy leads the regional drive against Political Islamism.

Challenging gender norms: women’s leadership, political authority, and autonomy

2022 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Noora Lari ◽  
Mohammad Al-Ansari ◽  
Engi El-Maghraby
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Women In Leadership ◽  
Cultural Barriers ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Gulf States

Purpose In patriarchal settings, cultural barriers continue to influence women’s participation in positions of leadership and political authority. This paper aims to explore these findings in light of the theoretical concepts of “hegemonic masculinity” and “patriarchy,” which explain gender disparities in the occupancy of political power and leadership positions in Qatar. Design/methodology/approach Data from original face-to-face national surveys conducted among subjects in Qatar were used, including 1,611 completed household interviews. Findings The findings were consistent with the prevailing patriarchal beliefs present in Qatari society and Arab Gulf States. The analysis showed that there was greater significant support for men holding key leadership and authority positions than women. Individual-level factors were found to have a significant association with attitudes favoring women. Compared to respondents who had never attended school, those who had completed secondary school and those who had partaken in higher education favored having women in leadership roles. Practical implications As a means to fix the gender imbalance within the occupancy of positions of political power in Qatar, this study recommends putting substantial efforts into increasing the number of interventions underpinning gender equality through social awareness programs that may improve the public’s perceptions. Furthermore, gender-equitable affirmative actions are needed to promote the inclusion of women in power and increase their presence in leadership roles. Originality/value This study is among the very few that have theoretically and empirically addressed the issue of women’s authority and involvement in key leadership roles in the context of Qatar.

scholarly journals Media as the Battleground for Politics: The Relation Between Politicians and Media Barons in Indonesian Politics

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Fahd Pahdepie
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Ownership

Media, especially television channels and newspapers have become another political battleground in Indonesian democracy. Some following scenes would describe how Indonesian media empires link to the political system. Media becomes the battleground for politics and there are two point-of-views that could be taken. First, from the perspective of politicians, media is a medium to legitimate their political authority. Second, from the perspective of media barons, politics is an arena that can benefit their business empires. At this point, the marriage between political power and media ownership will eliminate the independence; consequently, the role of media in the concept of democracy to control the power will be diminished or even disappeared.

Liberalism in Lockean Linguistics

1990 ◽  
Vol 17 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 99-109
Author(s):  
Talbot J. Taylor
Keyword(s):  
John Locke ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Human Knowledge ◽  
Linguistic Communication ◽  
The Core ◽  
Human Understanding ◽  
Semiotic Freedom ◽  
Political Norms ◽  
The Relationship

Summary In the Essay concerning human understanding (1690) John Locke (1632–1704) suggests that man misunderstands the relationship between ideas, words, and things, assuming that there exists a ‘double conformity’. This assumption is at the core of our misunderstanding of our epistemological status, the misunderstanding from which Locke must free his readers if they are to grasp the foundations of human knowledge. To this extent Locke is a communicational sceptic. He believes that the linguistic communication of ideas is ‘imperfect’. Left to our natural powers to form ideas and signify them by words, we will too often fail to convey our thoughts to our hearers. The remedy to this ‘imperfection’ is for us to constrain the exercise of our linguistic powers. There is thus an interesting parallel between the structure of Locke’s discussion of language in the Essay and his discussion of political power in the Second Treatise on Government (1689). In the latter Locke then traces the roots of political norms to the individual’s sacrifice of a share of their own natural freedoms and powers to political authority, so that social anarchy can be avoided. In the same way the normative prescriptions offered in the Essay, by restricting the individual’s basic linguistic freedom, are designed to avoid the communicational anarchy that would result if all individuals exercised their linguistic freedom to express themselves as they choose. Locke thus takes communication to occur, not as a result of chance or of a pre-existing conformity between words and ideas, but rather as a result of the linguistic agent’s voluntary constraint of his/her semiotic freedom.

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