State Violence and Human Rights

Author(s):  
Steffen Jensen
Keyword(s):  
Somatechnics ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Natalie Kouri-Towe

In 2015, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Toronto (QuAIA Toronto) announced that it was retiring. This article examines the challenges of queer solidarity through a reflection on the dynamics between desire, attachment and adaptation in political activism. Tracing the origins and sites of contestation over QuAIA Toronto's participation in the Toronto Pride parade, I ask: what does it mean for a group to fashion its own end? Throughout, I interrogate how gestures of solidarity risk reinforcing the very systems that activists desire to resist. I begin by situating contemporary queer activism in the ideological and temporal frameworks of neoliberalism and homonationalism. Next, I turn to the attempts to ban QuAIA Toronto and the term ‘Israeli apartheid’ from the Pride parade to examine the relationship between nationalism and sexual citizenship. Lastly, I examine how the terms of sexual rights discourse require visible sexual subjects to make individual rights claims, and weighing this risk against political strategy, I highlight how queer solidarities are caught in a paradox symptomatic of our times: neoliberalism has commodified human rights discourses and instrumentalised sexualities to serve the interests of hegemonic power and obfuscate state violence. Thinking through the strategies that worked and failed in QuAIA Toronto's seven years of organising, I frame the paper though a proposal to consider political death as a productive possibility for social movement survival in the 21stcentury.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Sanders

After 9/11, American officials authorized numerous contentious counterterrorism practices including torture, extraordinary rendition, indefinite detention, trial by military commission, targeted killing, and mass surveillance. While these policies sparked global outrage, the Bush administration defended them as legally legitimate. Government lawyers produced memoranda deeming enhanced interrogation techniques, denial of habeas corpus, drone strikes, and warrantless wiretapping lawful. Although it rejected torture, the Obama administration made similar claims and declined to prosecute abuses. This book seeks to understand how and why Americans repeatedly legally justified seemingly illegal security policies and what this tells us about the capacity of law to constrain state violence. It argues that legal cultures shape how political actors interpret, enact, and evade legal norms. In the global war on terror, a culture of legal rationalization encouraged authorities to seek legal cover—to construct the plausible legality of human rights violations—in order to ensure impunity for wrongdoing. In this context, law served as a permissive constraint, enabling abuses while imposing some limits on what could be plausibly legalized. Cultures of legal rationalization stand in contrast with other cultures prevalent in American history, including cultures of exception, which rely on logics of necessity and racial exclusion, and cultures of secrecy, which employ plausible deniability. Looking forward, legal norms remain vulnerable to manipulation and evasion. Despite the efforts of human rights advocates to encourage deeper compliance, the normalization of post-9/11 policy has created space for the Trump administration to promote a renewed culture of exception and launch bolder attacks on the rule of law.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Sanders

AbstractLaw following and law breaking are often conceptualised as polar opposites. However, authorities in liberal democracies increasingly deploy a strategy of what I callplausible legalityin order to secure immunity and legitimacy for proscribed practices. Rather than ignore or suspend law, they construct legal justifications for human rights abuses and other dubious policies, obscuring the distinction between legal compliance and non-compliance. I argue this is possible because instabilities in legal rules make them vulnerable to manipulation and exploitation. By tracing American rationales for contentious ‘enhanced interrogation techniques’, indefinite detention, and ‘targeted killing’ practices in the ‘Global War on Terror’, I show that law need not always be abandoned or radically reconstituted to achieve troubling ends and that rule structures enable certain patterns of violation while limiting others. The international prohibition on torture is robust and universal, but provides vague definitions open to interpretation. Detention and lethal targeting regulations are jurisdictionally layered and contextually complex, creating loopholes and gaps. The article concludes by reflecting on implications for the protection of human rights. While law is not wholly indeterminate, human rights advocates must constantly advocate shared legal understandings that constrain state violence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 48-71
Author(s):  
Yuichi Kubota

AbstractLiterature on the Guatemalan Civil War has debated whether or not state violence was triggered by rebel activities. Did the government respond to each insurrection caused by the rebels, or did it blindly target regions where antigovernment antipathy and movements had historically prevailed? Because state violence was extensive during the civil war period, the dynamism of the war could have been the reason for its occurrence. Relying on the threat-response model of state violence, this article argues that human rights violations occurred when the government perceived a rebel threat that would have seriously degraded its capability in future counterinsurgencies. The article employs propensity score matching to address the problem of confounding in empirical analysis, and reveals that rebel attacks, particularly those targeting security apparatus and resulting in human injury, increased the likelihood of state violence in the Guatemalan Civil War.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-125
Author(s):  
Ferdinal Ferdinal

Literature and society are a way of looking at problems in society. Literature not only functions as entertainment, but it may also represent socio-political problems. Some literary works even carry more roles as both a reflection of such issues and a means of protest against them, including human rights violations. This paper examines how Indonesian literature has reflected human rights breaches, such as oppression in Indonesia during the New Order era. This qualitative research was conducted through direct documentation. The research revealed that the regime punished any individuals, groups, or institutions which tried to challenge its policy by the name of national stability. Some writers, such as Putu Wijaya, used anecdotes to protest against such oppression. He was a prolific Indonesian writer whose works often expose socio-political issues, such as human rights violations in Indonesia. His writings suggest his disagreement with such abuses. The three short stories investigated here "Sket," "Mulut," and "Rakyat" represent Putu Wijaya's dissent with the violence performed by the apparatus of the regime. Playing his role as a literary activist, Putu uses these stories to remind rights perpetrators that such cases as seen in the stories have taken place and might take place somewhere in Indonesia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 503-542
Author(s):  
Jok Madut Jok

Abstract When South Sudan gained independence in 2011, the whole world rejoiced. The country marked 10 years of independence on July 9, 2021, but on that occasion, as was the case for the previous decade, its people had very little to celebrate. The country had been gripped by both state violence and deadly ethnic feuds. The intense rifts in ethnic relations emanating from this cycle have become a major risk factor for mass atrocities. This paper aims to chronicle the atrocity crimes that have happened in South Sudan in the past 12 years, what drives them, and how they can be mitigated or stopped. It will also suggest what the international community can do to assist the South Sudanese to find justice, accountability for atrocity crimes and above all, how to reduce or end violence. The paper is based on a review of reports by human rights agencies, the United Nations agencies operating in South Sudan, independent researchers, academics and think tanks. It is also based on the author’s first-hand knowledge of the context and on numerous interviews with South Sudanese. The goal, however, is not to ask: what lessons have been learned from the ongoing efforts in the country?


The fifth chapter of the book is devoted to the topic of security. It draw on framings from medical, legal, and economic anthropology to understand how Maya apparel workshops owners and other highland residents alternatively take up or contest the language of human rights and rule of law in a context of everyday violence and widespread social suffering. Amidst rising violent crime rates, extortion rings, and government corruption, workshop owners have recently adopted private security measures that are sometimes characterized by scholars, journalists, and activists in terms of “indigenous law.” This characterization implies a relationship to the past and tradition and can obscure the complex relationship between enterprising forms of security evident in Maya communities and neoliberal ideologies of entrepreneurial freedom, discourses of national security, and deep histories of state violence and discrimination against indigenous people. The chapter analyzes community-level security measures and the discourses of blame that circulate among Maya apparel workshop owners to also reveal the importance of space and scale for how people make sense of insecurity and lay claim to forms of work, membership, and belonging that they understand as decidedly not criminal or immoral, including the work of brand piracy.


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