THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

2010 ◽  
pp. 31-49
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Sumi Shimahara

Perceptions of tyranny are also the subject of this chapter, which discusses the ways in which terms deriving from the root ‘tyran-’ were employed in biblical commentaries and other sources of the Carolingian era. The chapter shows that eighth- and ninth-century authors developed a distinct discourse on tyranny by blending pagan and patristic views with their own ethical-political principles. Carolingian conceptions of tyranny were grounded in considerations pertaining both to legality and to morality, with vice, eschatological concerns, and the association with the devil playing as important a role as issues of illegitimacy, usurpation, or malfeasance. These conceptions were moreover fairly elastic, as related terms not only had a wide connotative range but were also used to describe a variety of abusive behaviors of a royal, secular, or ecclesiastical origin.


Utilitas ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Nir Ben-Moshe

Abstract John Rawls raises three challenges – to which one can add a fourth challenge – to an impartial spectator account: (a) the impartial spectator is a utility-maximizing device that does not take seriously the distinction between persons; (b) the account does not guarantee that the principles of justice will be derived from it; (c) the notion of impartiality in the account is the wrong one, since it does not define impartiality from the standpoint of the litigants themselves; (d) the account would offer a comprehensive, rather than a political, form of liberalism. The narrow aim of the article is to demonstrate that Adam Smith's impartial spectator account can rise to Rawls's challenges. The broader aim is to demonstrate that the impartial spectator account offers the basis for a novel and alternative framework for developing principles of justice, and does so in the context of a political form of liberalism.


1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?


1906 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
B.D. John Willcock

The idea that at the Restoration the Government of Charles II. wantonly attacked a Church that otherwise would have remained at peace and in the enjoyment of hardly-won liberties is not in accordance with facts. The Church was divided into two warring factions—that of the Remonstrants or Protesters and that of the Resolutioners. The former were the extreme Covenant party and had as their symbol the Remonstrance of the Western army after the Battle of Dunbar, in which they refused to fight any longer in the cause of Charles II. The Resolutioners were the more moderate party, which accepted him as a Covenanted King, and they derived their name from their support of certain Resolutions passed in the Parliament and General Assembly for the admission of Royalists to office under certain conditions. The Protesters—who numbered perhaps about a third of the Presbyterian clergy—claimed, probably not without reason, to be more religious than their opponents. They were very eager to purge the Church of all those whose opinions they regarded as unsatisfactory, and to fill up vacant charges with those who uttered their shibboleths. In their opposition to the King they naturally drew somewhat closely into sympathy with the party of Cromwell, though, with the fatal skill in splitting hairs which has afflicted so many of their nation, they were able to differentiate their political principles from what they called ‘English errors.’ The Resolutioners, on the other hand, adhered steadily to the cause of Charles II., and came under the disfavour of the Government of the Commonwealth for their sympathy with the insurrection under Glencairn and Middleton which had been so troublesome to the English authorities.


2006 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 744-757 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Pym

Abstract Globalization can be seen as a consequence of technologies reducing the costs of communication. This reduction has led both to the rise of English as the international lingua franca and to an increase in the global demand for translations. The simultaneous movement on both fronts is explained by the divergent communication strategies informing the production and distribution of information, where translation can only be expected to remain significant for distribution, and not for production. The fundamental change in the resulting communication patterns is the emergence of one-to-many document production processes, which are displacing the traditional source-target models still used in Translation Studies. Translation Studies might nevertheless retain a set of political principles that could constitute its own identity with respect to globalization. Such principles would be expressed in the national and regional organization of the discipline, in the defense of minority cultures, and in a general stake in cultural alterity. The possible existence of such principles is here examined on the basis of three instances where Translation Studies might address globalization in political terms: the weakness of the discipline in dominant monocultures, the development of an international association of Translation Studies, and political boycotts of translation scholars.


Author(s):  
Ilgizar R. Kaydarov

Introduction. In domestic historiography for many decades personal subsidiary plots were viewed as some rudiment of a non-socialist form of farming in the country’s agricultural sector. In accordance with the political principles of party ideologists, most researchers in every possible way emphasized the futility of the personal subsidiary plots and the inevitability of their soon withering away. And at the beginning of the XXI century they re-main a kind of “islands” of small business in the countryside and the main form of earnings for the total mass of rural workers. The main objective of this study is a comprehensive analysis of the current state of personal subsidiary plots of the rural population of Tatarstan in the context of determining the main socio-economic indicators in relation to the study area; identification of the most important development parameters of this form of small business. Materials and Methods. The scientific study is based on source materials from various government departments (including the Tatarstan Statistical Office), newspaper and journal periodicals, as well as data from historical, economic and sociological literature. When writing the article, the author was guided by the principles of historicism, complexity and objectivity. The research is based on the methods of historical science: problem-chronological, comparative-historical, systemic, etc. Results. During the study, the current state and indicators of the development of personal subsidiary plots of the rural population of the Republic of Tatarstan were systematically reviewed, in particular, their participation in the structure of regional gross income. It has been established that the main branches of economic activity of peasant farmsteads are vegetable growing and productive animal husbandry. It is proved that the strengthening of the positions of large investors in the village led to the curtailment of certain branches of production of personal subsidiary plots and their transition to a consumer rate of management. Discussion and Conclusion. The intensive development of various forms of small business in the post-perestroika period, including personal subsidiary plots of the population, intensified the market diversification of the economy of the agricultural sector in general and of high-quality peasant farmsteads in particular. During the forced dismantling of the collective farm and state farm management systems and the formation of new forms of entrepreneurship, peas-ant farmsteads became not only the economic basis for the existence of the rural population, but also a form of self-preservation of many settlements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Mentor Lecaj ◽  

This paper aims to explain the legal, political and moral obligation of the European Union institutions in the promotion, advancement, respect, and implementation of human rights and freedoms as a universal value, and above all as binding legal- political principles during their efforts in relations with actors both inside and outside the EU. This research work simultaneously analyzes and interprets international legal rules that regulate human rights. Moreover, the cases and means in promoting the human rights used by the European Union in different cultural regions have been compared and analyzed as well as the possibility of changing the approach of EU policy towards countries where the highest level of resistance exist in the accepting of such values.


Spectrum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quah Say Jye

Aristotle’s concept of nature, captured in quotations such as “nature does nothing in vain” and “man by nature is a political animal,” is a topic consistently discussed within scholarly literature. This paper’s primary aim is to demonstrate how Aristotle’s concept of nature underpins his political theory. It first uncovers Aristotle’s concept of nature, then it demonstrates how this concept underpins his political principles. Aristotle’s concept of nature is first broken down to two ideas: the “absence of chance,” which describes the regularity and permanence of phenomena, and the “serving of ends,” which explains Aristotle’s teleological approach. As such, Aristotle’s nature is used both to describe and explain phenomena, and therefore it shows both how and why certain phenomena occur. Armed with this understanding of nature, this paper shows how Aristotle applies this concept of nature to derive two political principles - the “principle of rulership” and the “social instinct.” These political principles in turn underpin his political theory and approach to political science. This paper shows that, through an understanding of Aristotle’s concept of nature, we can better understand the foundation of his politics.


Author(s):  
Konstantin ARSHIN ◽  

This article analyzes the most important strategic planning documents in the field of migration policy of the Russian Federation — the Federal Migration Program (1994), the Concept for the Regulation of Migration Processes (2003), the Concept of Migration Policy for the period 2012–2025 (2012), Concept of Migration Policy for 2019–2025 (2019). Normative legal documents in the field of migration were selected as the object of research, and the principles of migration policy proclaimed by them were selected as the object of research. The aim of the study is to classify these principles and establish continuity between strategic planning documents in the field of migration. Research objectives: consider strategic planning documents; analyze the principles of migration policy proclaimed by them; classify the selected principles of migration policy into groups. As a result of the work carried out, universal principles (contained in all analyzed strategic planning documents) and particular principles (contained in only one or several strategic planning documents) were determined. Based on the analysis of these principles, both universal and particular, it is concluded that the proclaimed priorities of the policy in the field of migration ensure the competitiveness of Russia as a recipient country of migration in the world arena.


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