Islamic State media production and Islam

2022 ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Juan Romero
CCIT Journal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-157
Author(s):  
Dewi Immaniar Desrianti ◽  
Giandari Maulani ◽  
Dana Krisdiana

The tight competition between schools in the era of globalization today, requires that the school Ivory Serpong Sower SDK to do the marketing strategy as attractive as possible, in order to enhance the new prospective learner interests as well as improve the quality of and professionalism in the management of the school. It is a promotional effort is used to market products or services to the public, so that they are more familiar with or know the product or service being marketed. Current media information and promotions that use the SDK Sower Ivory Serpong still be printed in the form of banners, brochures and more, so there are still many who have not yet learned about SDK Sower Gading Serpong. The purpose of this research is to inform and promote school SDK Sower Ivory Serpong. Based on a needs analysis is required of media promotion in the form of a video profile, to support information and promotion more attractive and effective by using the software Adobe Premier and Adobe Photoshop. Research methods used namely collecting data through observation, interviews and literature studies, Media Production and concept i.e. preproduction, production and postproduction. Through the design of Video media Profile of this SDK Sower Ivory Serpong can better known to many people and attracting parents to enroll his son in schools � SDK Sower Ivory Serpong


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-188
Author(s):  
Samme Dick

This article examines the emergence of Zoroastrianism in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq since 2015 as a new religion inspired by Kurdish nationalism, feminism, ecologism and humanism. The author argues that the emergence of Zoroastrianism at this particular time is due to a combination of the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant in 2014, legislative change and the importance some Kurdish nationalists historically attached to Zoroastrianism as the suggested original religion of the Kurds. The article outlines the historical context of Zoroastrianism in Kurdistan, and then explores the origins, beliefs and organisational structure of Kurdish Zoroastrianism. Also discussed are the legislative changes enabling the rise of the movement since 2015. This study draws on interviews with Kurdish Zoroastrian leaders as well as with representatives from the World Zoroastrian Organization, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs and the Alliance of Iraqi Minorities.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIJi nû ve pêxistina agir: Baweriya Zerduştî li Kurdistana IraqêEv gotar, li ser peydabûna Zerduştiyê li Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê hûr dibe, ku ji 2015an vir ve wek dînekî nû yê ji netewegeriya kurd, femînîzm, ekolojîzm û humanîzmê îlham wergirtî tê dîtin. Nivîskar îddia dike ku peydabûna Zerduştiyê ya bi taybetî wê demê ji ber hejmareke sedeman e: di 2014an de peydabûn û xurtbûna Dewleta Îslamî li Iraqê û Levantê, guherîna qanûnî û girîngiya nêrîna hin netewegerên kurd ku ji aliyê dîrokî Zerduştiyê wek dînê resen ê kurdan dibînin. Gotar, çarçoveya dîrokî ya Zerduştiyê li Kurdistanê bi kurtî rave dike û paşê li kok, bawerî û avahiya rêxistinî ya Zerduştiya kurdî dikole. Ji hêleke din, nîqaş dike ku guherînên hiqûqî ji 2015an vir ve rê li ber xurtbûna tevgerê vekiriye. Ev xebat xwe dispêre hevpeyvînên bi rêberên Zerduştiyên kurd re ligel hin şandeyên ji Rêxistina Zerduştiyan a Cîhanê, Wezareta Bexş û Karên Dînî ya Hikumeta Herêma Kurdistanê û Hevpeymaniya Kêmîneyên Iraqê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIGeşandinewey agireke: Zerdeştêtî le Kurdistanî ÊraqdaEm babete timaşay rewşî  wediyarkewtinî Zerdeştêtî dekat le Kurdistanî Êraqda, le sall 2010da wek ayînêkî nwê debînrêt ke le netewegerîy kurdî, fêmênîzm, jîngeparêzî û mirovparêzî îlham werdegirêt. Nûser bangeşey ewe dekat ke derkewtinî Zerdeştêtî lem kateda ke Dewlletî Îslamî Da'îş le Şam û Êraq le 2013 ser helldeda û be yasa rêgey pê dedirêt, şitêkî giringe  bo gerranewey kurd bo  ayînî neteweyî xoy wek ewey ke hendêk kurdî neteweperist  basî deken.  Babeteke rîşey mêjûyî Zerdeştêtî le Kurdistan nîşan dedat, herwaş rîşey  bawerr û binaẍey damezrawey Zerdeştêtî dedate ber roşnayî. Dîsan guftugoy gorranî yasa lew bareyewe bote hoyî derkewtinî em ayîne le 2015da. Em babete legell serok û bawerrdaranî Zerdeştîy le Kurdistan û damezrawey Zerdeştîyanî cîhanî û legell wezaretî karubarî ayînî le ḧukumetî herêmî Kurdistan û damezrawey kemînekanî Êraqda çawpêkewtinî encam dawe.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKINewe ra geşkerdişê adirî: Kurdîstanê Îraqî de zerduştîyeNa meqale qayîtê zerduştîye kena ke sey bawerîya newîye serra 2015î ra nat Herêmê Kurdîstanî yê Îraqî de vejîyaye û hetê neteweperwerîya kurdan, femînîzm, dorûverperwerîye û merdimperwerîye ra îlham girewt. Nuştox musneno ke vejîyayîşê zerduştî yê ê demî çend sebeban ra qewimîya: hêzdarbîyayîşê DAÎŞ yê serra 2014î, vurîyayîşê qanûnî û tayê neteweperwerê kurdan ê ke tarîx de giranî daye zerduştîye ser ke aye sey dînê kurdan o eslî pêşnîyaz bikerê. Na meqale xulasaya kontekstê tarîxî yê zerduştîya Kurdîstanî dana û dima esl, bawerî û awanîya rêxistinan yê zerduştîya kurdan ser o cigêrayîş kena. Ser o kî vurîyayîşê qanûnî munaqeşe benê. Nê vurîyayîşî serra 2015î ra nat vejîyayîşê tevger kerd mumkîn. No cigêrayîş roportajanê bi serekanê kurdan ê zerduştîye û bi temsîlkaranê Rêxistina Zerduştîyan a Dinya, Wezaretê Ewqaf û Kar û Barê Dînî yê hukmatê Herêmê Kurdîstanî û Yewîya Eqalîyetanê Îraqî esas gêno


This book critically reflects on the failure of the 2003 intervention to turn Iraq into a liberal democracy, underpinned by free-market capitalism, its citizens free to live in peace and prosperity. The book argues that mistakes made by the coalition and the Iraqi political elite set a sequence of events in motion that have had devastating consequences for Iraq, the Middle East and for the rest of the world. Today, as the nation faces perhaps its greatest challenge in the wake of the devastating advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and another US-led coalition undertakes renewed military action in Iraq, understanding the complex and difficult legacies of the 2003 war could not be more urgent. Ignoring the legacies of the Iraq War and denying their connection to contemporary events could mean that vital lessons are ignored and the same mistakes made again.


Author(s):  
Quy-Toan Do ◽  
Jacob N. Shapiro ◽  
Christopher D. Elvidge ◽  
Mohamed Abdel-Jelil ◽  
Daniel P. Ahn ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Noah Salomon

For some, the idea of an Islamic state serves to fulfill aspirations for cultural sovereignty and new forms of ethical political practice. For others, it violates the proper domains of both religion and politics. Yet, while there has been much discussion of the idea and ideals of the Islamic state, its possibilities and impossibilities, surprisingly little has been written about how this political formation is lived. This book looks at the Republic of Sudan's twenty-five-year experiment with Islamic statehood. Focusing not on state institutions, but rather on the daily life that goes on in their shadows, the book examines the lasting effects of state Islamization on Sudanese society through a study of the individuals and organizations working in its midst. The book investigates Sudan at a crucial moment in its history—balanced between unity and partition, secular and religious politics, peace and war—when those who desired an Islamic state were rethinking the political form under which they had lived for nearly a generation. Countering the dominant discourse, the book depicts contemporary Islamic politics not as a response to secularism and Westernization but as a node in a much longer conversation within Islamic thought, augmented and reappropriated as state projects of Islamic reform became objects of debate and controversy. The book reveals both novel political ideals and new articulations of Islam as it is rethought through the lens of the nation.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-295
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman.His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kiai or ulama. To make a da’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.


1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman. His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kyai or ulama. To make ada’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Urtak Hamiti

Barbaric, savage, horrific-these were terms to define the decision of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) to murder its captured Jordanian pilot by burning him alive inspired a thesaurus of horror and revulsion. The men who did it, the perpetrators were described by the media as mad men, thugs, monsters. To most of the people, the act itself seemed inexplicable and without sense. However, behind the choreographed and videotaped violence lies a calculated horrible cold logic. Although, ISIS is often portrait as a mighty force on the ground in Syria and Iraq, facts state that they control mainly communications between various provinces in both countries, and, as most guerrilla armies, are militarily weak by conventional measure. ISIS has little or almost none defense against the bombing campaign that is facing now, while US has formed a coalition that is confronting them on the ground as well, after President Barack Obama published the “New Security Doctrine” which includes degrading and finally destroying ISIS. ISIS, however, have proven to be very organized in promoting dramatic acts of violence against their enemies and promoting them two achieve two goals: use terror tactics as a psychological weapon against all those facing them and all those that are to face them in combat. Secondly, through usage of social network platforms to promote killings and executions, the aim of ISIS is to encourage recruits from out of Syria and Iraq, and elsewhere, to join them in their cause. Online operations of ISIS fall under a production group called the Al Hayat Media Center. The Center was created to seduce Westerners into joining the ranks of ISIS and also to distribute propaganda through social and media platforms. It is difficult to assess the success of this operation, but solid sources provided by US military and intelligence estimate that at least 300 Americans are fighting in the ranks of ISIS (at least two Americans have been killed fighting for ISIS in Iraq/Syria region) while the number of Europeans is in thousands. The US Response to this psychological kind of warfare came when President Barack Obama established the Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications (CSCC) aiming to combat terrorist propaganda. The main strategy of CSCC is not directly to confront ISIS operatives, but rather than that to deal with the people they are trying to recruit. Now, with almost entire international public opinion on their side, it is time for US to more actively respond to ISIS especially in the manner of psychological warfare since it is obvious that operations of “winning hearts and minds” of people in Iraq and Syria are not enough compared to ruthless tactics of ISIS which “winning hearts and minds” by brute force, terror, and vivid violent images. The online propaganda war is a new component to conflicts of 21st century that allows enemies to reach one another’s home fronts directly. ISIS might seem not so strong on the ground but it has captured one fundamental flaw of the media of 21st century-the one that bad news is always good news and that televised violence will always have an audience. ISIS has proclaimed that its goal is to create a caliphate of 21st century but its psychological warfare and propaganda is inspiring individuals throughout the West to commit horrible terrorist crimes. Could this be another mind game set up by ISIS, it remains to be seen. However one thing is for certain, US and its allies must tackle ISIS not only by planes and other military means, but also by a strategy that would eliminate its influence in spreading their propaganda.


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