Okamoto, Tarō (1911–1996)

Author(s):  
Neilton Clarke

Tarō Okamoto [岡本太郎] (1911–1996) was one of Japan’s most visible artists during the post-World War II period. Born in Kawasaki, Kanagawa, his father was a cartoonist and his mother a writer. In 1929, having enrolled at the Tokyo Fine Arts School, Okamoto travelled to Europe and in 1930 began living in Paris. A member of the Abstraction-Création group between 1933–1937, Okamoto associated with the likes of Georges Bataille, André Breton, Pablo Picasso, and Man Ray before returning to Japan in 1940. Working in a broad range of media and courting abstraction, biomorphic surrealism, and an abstracted figuration, his political-allegorical paintings are seemingly emblematic of the post-war decades. Examples include the paintings Heavy Industry (1949), an apparent indictment of capitalism, and Law of the Jungle (1950). In 1954, he exhibited in the 27th Venice Biennale, also establishing the Institute of Esthetic Research. The 1960s saw him working in Mexico on a large-scale commission, the nuclear-themed mural Myth of Tomorrow (1970), which was subsequently returned and installed in Tokyo’s Shibuya Station in 2008. Okamoto’s sculptural output saw his Tower of the Sun artwork exhibited as part of World Expo ’70, Osaka, for which he was also artistic director. The Taro Okamoto Memorial Museum in Tokyo, which opened in 1988, occupies his former Aoyama home and studio site, while The Taro Okamoto Museum of Art, having opened in 1999 in Kawasaki, holds an extensive collection of his work.

2018 ◽  
pp. 807-820
Author(s):  
Serhii Pyrozhkov

The author analyses the history of the establishment of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences in Kyiv. He examines the legal procedures for the Academy’s establishment and emphasises that mutual understanding between the scientific community and authorities provides an opportunity to resolve a fundamental nation-wide problem within a short time span. It is also stressed that the crucial role in drafting the Law on the Establishment of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences belongs to M.P. Vasylenko and V.I. Vernadskyi, like-minded prominent scholars and men of science, towering figures who considered science as the blissful power. In addition, the article examines the main tasks pursued by the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, namely providing a sound scientific underpinning for the development of Ukrainian society as well as increasing the role of sciences in civil life. The article substantiates that the comprehensive development of seminal works has always been and still remains the primary purpose of the Academy. All scholars who took part in its development disinterestedly worked upon the implementation of its concept and dedicated their lives to education. The author singles out five rather different periods in the operation of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences: the establishment, expansion of activities during the World War II, post-war rejuvenation, development, and golden age owing to scientific and technological advancement. The fifth period is modern and has lasted since 1991. In the end, the author emphasises that the establishment of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences was designed as a large-scale and socially significant project, whose implementation has eventually given rise to a powerful national intellectual centre with an ever increasing contribution to the development of the country, nation, and personalities. According to the fundamental principles and strategic goals of the Academy, its activity has been expanding for over a hundred years both in favourable and disadvantageous times, in conditions of social stability and continuous social changes. Keywords: Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, establishment, power, prominent scientists, important role.


2020 ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Akizumi Tsutsumi

Since the end of World War II, the Japanese economy has experienced two types of ‘dual structure’ issues among occupational groups. The period before the war until 1950 consisted of large-scale companies stemming from zaibatsu (financial cliques) and indigenous domestic industries. The health disparities across occupational groups, often observed in the West, increased between the pre-war period and the 1950s but declined in the subsequent high economic growth period. The decline in health disparities was aided by economic democratization policies, active labour union functions, and post-war economic growth. Near-total employment was achieved, at least among male workers, in the late 1960s to early 1970s. Later, recession in the wake of the bursting bubble economy after 1991, and the subsequent economy-first policy, brought another dual structure: regular employees versus lower-paid ‘precarious’ employees. The latter group includes many women. Stressful working conditions including long working hours among specific occupational groups may cause unique patterns of health disparity among Japanese workers.


Author(s):  
Helen Ennis

Australian photographer Max Dupain distinguished himself as a professional and artistic presence from the 1930s well into the 1970s. His earliest works were in the Pictorialist style, but by the mid-1930s he had become an ardent modernist—using sharp focus, bold and geometric compositions, and contemporary subject matter. Dupain was strongly influenced by vitalist philosophy, the work of Australian artist Norman Lindsay, the photography of Man Ray, Margaret Bourke-White, and Edward Steichen, as well as writer D.H. Lawrence. The son of Ena and George Dupain, Max Dupain lived in Sydney his entire life. He joined the studio of Cecil Bostock in 1930, taking night classes at East Sydney Technical College and the Julian Ashton School of Art. In 1934 he opened his own studio and quickly established his reputation in fashion, advertising, and celebrity portraiture. After World War II he reoriented his practice towards industry and government assignments, favoring a documentary approach. During the 1960s and 1970s, he specialized in architectural photography. Dupain’s photography is distinguished by its physicality and embrace of Australian sunlight and conditions (as seen in Sunbaker, his best-known work). He also regularly wrote on photography, contributing spirited reviews to the Sydney Morning Herald. His work was widely exhibited and published and is held in numerous public collections.


Author(s):  
Lyn Ragsdale ◽  
Jerrold G. Rusk

Abstract: The chapter considers nonvoting after World War II, a unique electoral period in American history with the lowest nonvoting rates of any period from 1920–2012. The post-war period also boasts the highest economic growth rate of any of the four periods, coupled with the early days of television which transformed politics in the 1950s. In general, economic growth and the introduction of television move nonvoting rates downward. The chapter also considers in detail the struggles leading to the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the law’s impact on nonvoting rates among African Americans. It also uncovers that in the 1960s the Vietnam War increased nonvoting. The chapter begins an analysis of nonvoting at the individual level. The less individuals know about the campaign context and the less they form comparisons between the candidates, the more likely they will say home on Election Day.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Braghieri

When J. G. Ballard published his masterpiece High-Rise in 1975, many readers in London automatically identified the apartment building that is the protagonist of the dystopian novel as the infamous Trellick Tower at Kensal Town, certainly one of the most controversial and ambiguous figures of British architecture after World War II. Designed by Ernő Goldfinger, the tower, which had recently been completed, was already considered a symbol of the brutality of contemporary architecture, to the point of gaining the nickname ‘Tower of Terror’ coined by its own inhabitants. Actually, in public opinion the nearly twin sister of the earlier Balfron Tower at Poplar embodied all the ills of urban planning and of the housing policies of the post-war reconstruction. The large size of the project, the uniformity of its facades, the presence of bulky stairwells separated from the main volume, connected by elevated bridges and brandishing the big chimneys of the heating system, the complex apartment layouts on multiple levels, and the intensive use of fair-face reinforced concrete are the factors that shape the extraordinary character of this work of architecture, examined in a relatively small quantity of critical writings, despite the building’s widespread notoriety. The Balfron Tower, commissioned in 1963, and the Trellick Tower commissioned in 1966 have become, for better or worse, icons of British public housing policy, and today they are inseparable parts of the London cityscape. Critical analysis of the original project documents reveals how the typological and constructive reflections at the end of the 1960s had reached a level of extreme sophistication and quality, also in the development of large social housing complexes created for the urban proletariat. Thanks to their outstanding constructed quality and the efficacy of their residential typologies, the towers have stood up to the destructive fury of the last few decades, even becoming Grade II* listed buildings. In recent years, they have gone through a remarkable process of social and generational turnover, coveted as investment properties and involved in processes of real estate speculation.


Author(s):  
Andrzej Dębski Andrzej Dębski

The highest level of cinema attendance in Lower Silesia after World War II was recorded in 1957. It was higher than before the war and lower than during the war. In the years that followed it steadily declined, influenced by global processes, especially the popularity of television. This leads us to reflect on the continuity of historical and film processes, and to look at the period from the 1920s to the 1960s as the ‘classical’ period in the history of cinema, when it was the main branch of mass entertainment. The examples of three Lower Silesian cities of different size classes (Wroclaw, Jelenia Gora, Strzelin) show how before World War II the development from ‘the store cinema [or the kintopp] to the cinema palace’ proceeded. Attention is also drawn to the issue of the destruction of cinematic infrastructure and its post-war reconstruction. In 1958 the press commented that ‘if someone produced a map with the towns marked in which cinemas were located, the number would increase as one moved westwards’. This was due to Polish (post-war) and German (pre-war) cinema building. The discussion closes with a description of the Internet Historical Database of Cinemas in Lower Silesia, which collects data on cinemas that once operated or are now operating in the region.


2018 ◽  
pp. 145-176

This chapter explores the changing and dynamic migrant reservoir in Europe, specifically looking at the labour market outcome of migrants with an emphasis on youth. Since the end of World War II, Europe has experienced large-scale migration both internally and from the outside of the EU. The descriptive analysis using aggregate country data suggests that even though migration from non-European countries is very substantial, the intra-European flows from Southern and Eastern Europe are non-negligible, with comparable emigration rates and differing trends and composition in the post-war period. The chapter then demonstrates that young migrants from both Eastern and Southern Europe are more likely to be overqualified than young native-born workers. To tackle issues of persisting native–migrant gaps in labour market performance, policies could be geared toward further integration and non-discriminatory treatment of foreign-born residents in the destination labour markets.


1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 294-306
Author(s):  
William A. Robson

The interest and significance of the postwar municipal elections held in Britain can best be appreciated if they are seen against wartime conditions on the one hand and the reconstruction tasks which confront local authorities on the other.In England, as elsewhere, local government was designed to promote the arts of peace. But for six years during World War II it was asked to shoulder burdens of the most formidable kind directly connected with the war effort. The decision to make local authorities responsible, under the guidance of the Ministry of Home Security and its regional commissioners, for the complex of functions comprised under civil defense was a momentous one. Never before in Britain or any other country had local authorities been asked to undertake a task of such magnitude and importance as that of providing air-raid shelters, wardens and fire-guard posts in almost every street, gas decontamination centers, light and heavy rescue squads, evacuation schemes, emergency feeding and reception centers for those rendered homeless by enemy air attack, furniture stores, rest homes, a first-aid repair service for houses, and various other items of this kind.The Ministry of Food placed heavy duties on both local-government officers and councilors in connection with food control and rationing; and local authorities provided cheap restaurants and canteens on a large scale. The Ministry of Fuel and Power drew largely on the resources of municipal administration in appointing local fuel overseers and their staffs for regulating the distribution and consumption of solid and liquid fuel.


Author(s):  
Paul R. Mullins

In the 1960s Edward J. Zebrowski turned the razing of Indianapolis, Indiana into a compelling show of forward-looking community optimism illuminating the power of displacement. When Zebrowski’s company toppled the Knights of Pythias Hall in 1967, for instance, he installed bleachers and hired an organist to play from the back of a truck as the twelve-storey Romanesque Revival structure was reduced to rubble. Two years later, the ‘Big Z’ hosted a party in the Claypool Hotel and ushered guests outside at midnight to watch as the floodlit building met its end at the wrecking ball (Figure 12.1). Zebrowski’s theatricality perhaps distinguished him from the scores of wrecking balls dismantling American cities, but his celebration of the city’s material transformation mirrored the sentiments of many urbanites in the wake of World War II. The post-war period was punctuated by a flurry of destruction and idealistic redevelopment in American cities like Indianapolis just as the international landscape was being rebuilt from the ruins of the war. In 1959 the New York Times’ Austin Wehrwein (1959: 61) assessed the University of Chicago’s massive displacement in Hyde Park and drew a prescient parallel to post-war Europe when he indicated that ‘wrecking crews have cleared large tracts, so that areas near the university resemble German cities just after World War II’. Indeed, much of Europe was distinguished less by ruins and redevelopment than demolition and emptied landscapes removing the traces of warfare that states wished to reclaim or efface; in the United States, urban renewal likewise took aim on impractical, unappealing, or otherwise unpleasant urban fabric and the people who called such places home (see also Ernsten, Chapter 10, for this process associated with the policies of apartheid in Cape Town). These global projects removed wartime debris and razed deteriorating prewar landscapes, extending interwar urban renewal projects that embraced the fantasy of a ‘blank slate’ as they built various unevenly executed imaginations of modernity. However, many optimistic development plans in Europe and the United States alike were abandoned or disintegrated into ruins themselves, simply leaving blank spaces on the landscape. Consequently, the legacy of urban renewal and post-war reconstruction is not simply modernist architecture; instead, post-war landscape transformation is signalled by distinctive absences dispersed amidst post-war architectural space and traces of earlier built environments.


Author(s):  
Sergey M. Zinchuk

The author describes in the article some important components and features of Church life in the period initiated by Nikita Khrushchev and known as the parish reform, which, among other things, was aimed at undermining the fi nancial base of the Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter referred to as the Church) in the USSR. It is noted that Stalin's post-war system of state-Church relations had a serious defect in the form of ineffective legal consolidation: in addition, after the end of the World War II, the question if the Soviet power praised Orthodoxy and other religions stood no longer disappeared. All this allowed Stalin's successors carrying out a number of serious measures aimed at weakening the Church. Khrushchev's religious policy differed from the persecution of the 1920s-1930s, because it included measures aimed at indirect destruction of Orthodoxy, primarily through administrative pressure on the clergy and laity. The parish reform, aimed at depriving deans of fi nancial powers and handing them over to churchwardens, appointed, in fact, by local authorities, which allowed to ruin churches and monasteries with compliance with the formalities of the regime's toleration, can be considered to be a typical manifestation of that trend.


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