Political Conflict and Labor Disputes at the Core

Author(s):  
Volker Bornschier ◽  
Michael Nollert
Author(s):  
Martin Krzywdzinski

This chapter deals with the dependent variable of the study: consent. It analyses workplace consent in Russia and China using three indicators that refer to the core requirements of the production systems in automotive companies regarding employee behavior: first, standardized work; and second, compliance with expectations in terms of flexibility, cooperation, and a commitment to improving processes. The third indicator of consent (or the lack of it) is the absence or presence of open criticism, resistance, and labor disputes. The chapter reveals significant and unexpected differences between the Chinese and Russian sites on all three indicators. While the Chinese factories exhibit (with some variance between the companies), a relatively high level of consent, the Russian plants have problems with standardized work, the acceptance of performance expectations, and to some extent with labor disputes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 783-811 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Prince

AbstractThe study of the Northern Irish Troubles is dominated by ethnic readings of conflict and violence. Drawing on new scholarship from a range of different disciplines and on fresh archival sources, this article questions these explanations. General theories that tie together ethnicity with conflict and violence are shown to be based on definitions that fail to distinguish ethnic identities from other ones. Their claims cannot be taken as being uniquely or even disproportionately associated with ethnicity. Explanatory models specifically developed for the case of modern Ireland do address that weakness. Yet, this article contends, they rest upon the fallacy that the Catholic and Protestant peoples are transhistorical entities. Political ideas, organizations, and actions cannot be reduced to fixed group identities. This article argues instead that the Troubles centered on a political conflict—one over rival visions of modern democracy. The pursuit of equality, the core value of democracy, led not only to conflicts but also to some of those conflicts becoming violent. Focusing on Belfast in the summer and autumn of 1969, this article sets out how the main political actors asserted competing claims to popular sovereignty and traces how multiple dynamic and intersecting conflicts became arrayed around the central one.


2018 ◽  
pp. 73-101
Author(s):  
David A. Bateman ◽  
Ira Katznelson ◽  
John S. Lapinski

This chapter visits the internal tensions within the various southern Democratic parties, which successfully united competing factions around the cause of white supremacy but whose unity was always tense and insecure. It begins by detailing the process of “redemption,” in which the Democratic Party across the South wrested control of state legislatures and national representation from biracial coalitions organized primarily within the Republican Party. It then examines the structure of political conflict in Congress, the site where southern diversity was transformed into regional solidarity, to show that the familiar story of the Black Belt as the core of southern solidarity must be revised. Turning to the substantive bases for southern unity and diversity, the chapter identifies the issue areas that implicated distinctively southern priorities and arrayed the region's members in diverse coalitions with northern Democrats and Republicans. From this set, it selects for detailed examination legislation that reflected competing intraregional priorities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter H. Ditto ◽  
Cory J. Clark ◽  
Brittany S. Liu ◽  
Sean P. Wojcik ◽  
Eric E. Chen ◽  
...  

Baron and Jost (this issue, p. 292) present three critiques of our meta-analysis demonstrating similar levels of partisan bias in liberals and conservatives: (a) that the studies we examined were biased toward finding symmetrical bias among liberals and conservatives, (b) that the studies we examined do not measure partisan bias but rather rational Bayesian updating, and (c) that social psychology is not biased in favor of liberals but rather toward creating false equivalencies. We respond in turn that (a) the included studies covered a wide variety of issues at the core of contemporary political conflict and fairly compared bias by establishing conditions under which both liberals and conservatives would have similar motivations and opportunities to demonstrate bias; (b) we carefully selected studies that were least vulnerable to Bayesian counterexplanation, and most scientists and laypeople consider these studies demonstrations of bias; and (c) there is reason to be vigilant about liberal bias in social psychology, but this does not preclude concerns about other possible biases, all of which threaten good science. We close with recommendations for future research and urge researchers to move beyond broad generalizations of political differences that are insensitive to time and context.


Author(s):  
Gerald M. Mara

Chapter 4 examines two different treatments of war, understood historically, those offered by G. W. F. Hegel and Friedrich Nietzsche. Initially, they seem to understand human activity through nearly opposite lenses. Hegel traces how the creation of modernity’s social order has actualized free rationality, overcoming primitive impulses to war-making. Nietzsche reasserts the value of aggression, not merely as the sign of robust politics but as the core of a psychic energy continually expended in self-overcoming. As a result, both thinkers eventually diminish the pragmatic importance of political conflict for philosophy. Instead, such conflicts are institutionalized within the practices of the ethical state (Hegel) or transformed into active self-disruption and re-creation (Nietzsche). Yet both narratives leave spaces for the continuation or re-emergence of wars that their philosophical perspectives cannot critically engage. I contend that similar questions beset treatments of politics offered by Hegel’s modern and Nietzsche’s postmodern descendants.


Author(s):  
Mikhail Valer'evich Gorbachev ◽  
Egor Aleksandrovich Dibrov

This article is dedicated to the analysis of information space of the zone of military-political conflicts in Donetsk and Luhansk. The authors shift away from the traditional models and patterns of its explanation, which relate to examination of databases, their maintenance technologies and application mechanism, information systems, and information needs of the information environment. Structural and content analysis of modern Ukrainian cinematography, which reflects the key components of information space of the zone of military-political conflicts in Donetsk and Luhansk is proposed as an alternative explanatory model. In accordance with the substantiated criteria, the author selected the film footages for further examination. Research methodology is based on the content analysis and intent analysis for interpretation of the content and focus of dialogues of the core storylines. Additional methods include the models of comparative analysis of film plots, narrative analysis of film micro-plots, and ideological assessment of films. As a result of the conducted research, the author determined the mechanisms of binary structuring of information space of the zone of military-political conflicts, as well as techniques and methods used for implementation of these mechanisms. The peculiarities of “distortion” of information space of the zone of military-political conflicts are described. Techniques of the film director that comprise the backbone of strategies for positioning information space of the zone of military-political conflicts in modern Ukrainian cinematography are explored. The author is first to analyze the films of modern Ukrainian cinematography regarding the positioning of information space of the zones of military-political conflict in Donetsk and Luhansk.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 672-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Brady

When the Olympian and reality television star formerly known as Bruce Jenner appeared on the cover of Vanity Fair in 2015 under the headline ‘Call me Caitlyn’, there was widespread celebration of this unprecedented moment of transgender visibility. However, the positive reception of Jenner as an out trans celebrity has become increasingly complicated by the conservative Republican politics she identifies with. This article examines how those tensions inform the reality series I Am Cait, which repeatedly features Jenner in political conflict with a group of trans activists who are helping to facilitate her public transition. It asks whether the ‘education’ of Jenner that becomes the primary narrative of the text reaffirms or troubles the neoliberal ideology at the core of her conservatism. In order to explore this, I examine the series’ framing of productive gender normative citizenship, the intersection of its corrective pedagogies with the reality television context in which they take place, and the series’ representation of transgender heterogeneity. This article forms part of ‘On the Move’, a special issue marking the twentieth anniversary of the European Journal of Cultural Studies.


Author(s):  
Claudio Sopranzetti

This chapter follows the association of motorcycle taxis after the end of the Red Shirts protest. It explores the attempt by military forces to cut off the drivers from the social movement and include them into the state security apparatus. The chapter shows how the association was divided between two conceptions of power—barami and amnāt—and positions this tension at the core the Thai political conflict in the last decade. We are not facing a binary, but rather the unresolved tensions and the failed attempts to combine two conceptualizations of power that need to coexist, even with their contradicting features. To govern Thailand, one needs to needs to have both amnāt and barami, both to claim moral charisma and institutional power, juggling both of them. The conflict, this chapter argues, emerged because, since 2006, no political figure has been seen able to do so.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guido Gainotti

Abstract The target article carefully describes the memory system, centered on the temporal lobe that builds specific memory traces. It does not, however, mention the laterality effects that exist within this system. This commentary briefly surveys evidence showing that clear asymmetries exist within the temporal lobe structures subserving the core system and that the right temporal structures mainly underpin face familiarity feelings.


Author(s):  
T. Kanetaka ◽  
M. Cho ◽  
S. Kawamura ◽  
T. Sado ◽  
K. Hara

The authors have investigated the dissolution process of human cholesterol gallstones using a scanning electron microscope(SEM). This study was carried out by comparing control gallstones incubated in beagle bile with gallstones obtained from patients who were treated with chenodeoxycholic acid(CDCA).The cholesterol gallstones for this study were obtained from 14 patients. Three control patients were treated without CDCA and eleven patients were treated with CDCA 300-600 mg/day for periods ranging from four to twenty five months. It was confirmed through chemical analysis that these gallstones contained more than 80% cholesterol in both the outer surface and the core.The specimen were obtained from the outer surface and the core of the gallstones. Each specimen was attached to alminum sheet and coated with carbon to 100Å thickness. The SEM observation was made by Hitachi S-550 with 20 kV acceleration voltage and with 60-20, 000X magnification.


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