scholarly journals Podpora tronu? Kwestia lojalności armii bułgarskiej podczas kryzysu państwa w latach 1885–1886

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 284-305
Author(s):  
Dariusz Faszcza
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Deep Crisis

[The pillar of throne? The question of loyalty of the Bulgarian army during the state crisis in 1885–1886] In 1885, as a result of the unification of northern and southern Bulgaria without the consent of European powers, the political tensions in the Balkans successively increased. One of the consequences was the outbreak of Serbian‑Bulgarian war. The victory of Bulgarians paradoxically contributed to the deep crisis in the country and led to the abdication of Prince Alexander von Battenberg. A group of officers played an active role in these events. In August 1886 they carried out a coup d’état and the abdication of ruler. Soon a counter‑attack was organized, and the political power fell into the hands of politicians sympathizing with Prince Alexander. The dethroned ruler returned to the country. However, the persisting state of tensions and pressure from Russia forced the prince to abdicate again. The article presents the process of growing crisis of the Bulgarian state and the course of coup d’etat aimed at depriving the Bulgarian ruler of power, its consequences, as well as explaining the motives of conspirators.

Anti-Indian factions in Bangladeshi Politics (1971 – 2014): A Brief Survey

Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Water Sharing ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.

scholarly journals The Actuality of Some Principles and Ideas of Law Philosophy Issued by Mircea Djuvara

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (35) ◽  
pp. 38-51
Author(s):  
Marţian Iovan
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Power ◽  
National Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophy Of Law ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Law

Abstract The author analyzes in this paper principles and ides of philosophy of law issued by Mircea Djuvara, which preserve their contemporaneity, being useful for the perfecting of the state institutions and of the democracy not only at national level, but also at European Union one. His ideas and logical demonstration on the rational fundamentals of law, the autonomy of the moral and legal conscience, the specificity of truth and of juridical knowledge, the philosophical substantiation of power and Constitution, the principles of the democracy and the connections between the political power and the law are just few of the original elements due to which Djuvara became an acknowledged and respected personality not only in Romania, but also in the experts clubs of the Europe between the two World Wars.

The Escape to Turkey. Ways and Methods of Illegal Border Crossings into Turkey from the perspective of SSI documents (1945-1948)

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Daniela Popescu
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Border Crossings ◽  
Secret Police ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Police Services ◽  
The Cold War

"The Escape to Turkey. Ways and Methods of Illegal Border Crossings into Turkey from the perspective of SSI documents (1945-1948). Romania`s first years after the communist regime took political power in Romania, concurrent with the onset of the Cold War, meant a reshuffle of the state institutions at first and later a dramatic impact on people`s lives. The political and institutional purges were the first signal that soon repression and terror will follow, thus prompting numerous Romanian citizens to leave the country. Yet, due to the strict surveillance of the Secret Police Services which did not easily allow traveling to Western countries, the only way to escape was through illicit border crossings. One of the most common destinations was Turkey, with documents issued between 1945 and 1948 by the Secret police services revealing an impressive number of such cases. Keywords: Illegal border crossings, escape, communism, Romania, Turkey. "

Latin-American Political Parties and Ideologies: An Overview

1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-86
Author(s):  
Donald W. Bray
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Latin American Countries

In a majority of Latin-American countries the coup d'etat rather than the ballot is still the institutionalized mechanism for transferring political power. Some states, like Haiti and Paraguay, are clearly in the “prehistory” of modern political parties. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century the political party with a developed ideology has become a major feature of Latin-American political life.

Libya stabilisation force could be counterproductive

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Force ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Content Type

Significance This is part of UN-facilitated talks to agree on a national unity government that would end the political power struggle driving Libya's civil war. Should a Government of National Accord be formed in Tripoli, its security would be uncertain as Libya lacks a unified security force that would be loyal to the state alone. This has raised questions in the European Union of whether a foreign stabilisation force may be necessary. Although appetite in European capitals for an intervention appears to be generally low, such a scenario cannot be ruled out altogether. Impacts Despite the UN Envoy's optimism, he must still win over the GNC before a consensus government is formed. A united administration would prefer to avoid a foreign force guarding it, even at the urging of key international actors. In the unlikely event that European troops are involved in such a force, there may be a risk of blowback attacks in Europe.

Conservatives and the Parliament: State Duma Reform Projects of 1907–1917

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 195-200
Author(s):  
Fyodor A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
State Laws ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Third ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
The Government

 The article is devoted to conservative projects of reforming the State Duma, which was established in Russia in 1906. Those projects can be divided into two groups. Some projects were proposed by Russian nationalists (M.O. Menshikov, I.P. Balashov), who supported Stolypin and claimed to be one of the two main forces of the parliamentary majority. Nationalists sought to preserve the legislative powers of the Duma and stressed that the reform was supposed to strengthen parliamentarism. The projects of the nationalists proposed only partial adjustments to the parliamentary system, but still changing the Basic State Laws (in other words the coup d’état). The government did not support this path. The other projects were initiated by right-wing conservatives (L.A. Tikhomirov, K.N. Paskhalov, prince V.P. Meshchersky). Right-wing conservatives proposed turning the Duma into a legislative institution. This completely changed the political configuration and eliminated the “The Third of June” system. Both nationalist and right-wing projects were rejected by the government, albeit for different reasons: either due to their indeterminate character (nationalist projects) or due to their radicalism (right-wing projects). The ministers invariably considered the reorganization of the Duma more difficult than finding ways to cooperate with it.

Impact of Political Instability on the Reality of Iraqi Political Parties: A Study According to the Results of the 2018 Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Forces

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.

Some Notes on the Provincial Administration of the Early Ṣafawid Empire

1964 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. M. Savory
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Institution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Function ◽  
Religious Institution ◽  
Provincial Administration ◽  
Military Basis ◽  
The Military ◽  
Commander In Chief

The names of the principal officers of the early Ṣafawid ṣtate are well known and need only a brief recapitulation here. They were: (1) the wakīl; (2) the amīr al-umarā; (3) the qūrchībāshī; (4) the wazīr; (5) the ṣadr. Of these, the wakīl was the vicegerent of the Shāh, representing him in both his temporal capacity as pādishāh and in his spiritual capacity as murshid-i kāmil. He was thus the most powerful official in the early Ṣafawid state. The amīr al-umarā was, as his name denotes, the principal amīr; he was the commander-in-chief of the qizilbāsh Turkomān tribesmen who constituted the military basis of Ṣafawid political power. The function of the qūrchībāshī during the early Ṣafawid period is extremely obscure. As commander of the qūrchīs or qizilbāsh; tribal cavalry his authority would appear to have been in conflict with that of the amīr al-umarā. The office of qūrchībāshī was from the beginning distinct from that of amīr al-umarā, and during at least the first 30 years of Ṣafawid rule it was of less importance than the latter. From about 940/1533–4 onwards, however, there was a decline in the power of the amīr al-umarā, and a corresponding increase in that of the qurchībāshī, and under Isma'īl II and Muḥammad Khudābanda the qūrchībāshī became the most influential officer in the state. The wazīr was the head of the bureaucracy, and was traditionally the principal officer of state. Up to the time of 'Abbās I, however, his authority was restricted by the overriding authority of the wakīl, by the intervention of the amīr al-umarā in political affairs, by the existence of the ṣadr, who deprived him of the possibility of exercising general supervision over the religious institution, and by the predominantly military character of the early Ṣafawid state in general, which placed the ‘men of the pen’ at a disadvantage vis-à-vis the ‘men of the sword’. The ṣadr was the head of the religious institution, but since in practice the religious institution was subordinated to the political institution, the authority of the ṣadr was necessarily subordinated to that of the wakīl. The main function of the ṣadr was the imposition of doctrinal unity, namely Shi'ism, throughout the Ṣafawid empire. Once this object had been achieved, the power of the ṣadr declined, although from time to time the ṣadr made attempts (largely unsuccessful) to intervene in political matters.

Beyond Autonomy? The Politics of Corporations

1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-60
Author(s):  
Dennis Kavanagh
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The State ◽  
16Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
National Boundaries

IN RECENT YEARS THERE HAS BEEN A FORMIDABLE GROWTH OF literature on the political and other implications of business corporations. Much of the writing on the corporations has been of an alarmist nature. We are usually referred to the growth of an impressive economic (and, by implication, political) power of the corporations, the lack of effective democratic control on their activities, and the consequent need to establish a more effective set of constraints. It is suggested that internally the corporations are tending to by-pass the legislatures and other representative institutions, while externally the multinationals are integrating sectors of economies across states, and employing a management which may owe primary loyalty to the corporation and not the state in which managers are based. The emergence of the multinationals therefore not only seriously challenges many of our cherished political institutions and procedures, it also confronts our patterns of thinking about the sovereign state which have been inherited from the 16th century. In that they escape from the constraints of national boundaries and representative institutions it is alleged that the corporations are rendering obsolescent our traditional concepts of both state and sovereignty. Much of this argument is neatly encapsulated in the evocative titles of such scholarly works as Beyond the Nation State and Sovereignty at Bay.

scholarly journals Perbandingan Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD RI) dengan Negara Lain

Wajah Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Abustan Abustan
Keyword(s):  
Code Of Ethics ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Problem Formulation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fifth Amendment ◽  
Formal Authority ◽  
Representative System ◽  
The Right

The basic idea of the establishment of DPD is the desire to better accommodate regional aspirations and also give a major role to the region in the political decision-making process for matters relating to the region. In the document of Strategic Plan (Renstra) of the House of Regional representatives (DPD) period 2015-2019 mention that the main objective of DPD RI is the realization of DPD RI as one of the State institutions that play an active role and maintain a balance in the state authority in the field of legislative, through the optimization of the implementation of the parliamentary function. The problem formulation in this journal is how to increase the status of DPD in establishing and strengthening the political representation in Indonesia and how to setup the authority of the Regional Representative Council (DPD) Republik Indonesia (RI) when compared with other countries. The discussion in this journal is the change of UUD 1945 to change the system of representatives in the state of Indonesia that previously did not reveal the actual representation. With the presence of the DPD, in the Indonesian representative system, the DPR is supported and should be strengthened by the DPD. With such conditions, the DPD institution has a very high legitimacy, which should have a high formal authority anyway, but in reality the formal authority is very low. The arrangement of the authority of DPD must be done through the Fifth Amendment UUD 1945. This is necessary for the DPD to have a constitutional certainty, so it will guarantee the continuity of the performance of DPD in the present and future. This arrangement is done by considering two things: first, Dpdas the same representative institution with the House of Representatives, should be engaged optimally in the process of making political decisions nationally. Secondly, the Fifth Amendment of the UUD 1945 is intended to assert the DPD as an institution that holds the authority to form legislation; Has a function of legislation; budget function; and surveillance functions; Then to change the articles that have been debilitating the DPD, namely related to the authority to file a RUU, discussing the RUU and also give the last consideration, this change is also done so that the DPD can then supervise with the giving of the right to ask questions, the right to ask for information and the right of a questionnaire and DPD RI through its tools (honorary body) in charge of implementing the code, is expected to always evaluate and revise the rules of DPD RI that is deemed to be no So ideally, do a comparison of the code of ethics with other countries, in order to minimize the misuse of budgets, duties and authorities.

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