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Large amount of data is transferred through the internet, which is highly insecure. This can cause disruption of data due to attacks. To resist those attacks, the analysts are centered on the distinctive sort of systems to verify the information from assaults. Some of the techniques are AES, DES, and Digital Signatures etc. These techniques are not providing abnormal state proficient of security. So, in order to increase the efficiency level, we proposed a new method called KAN algorithm which is an extension of RSA algorithm to enhance the security of normal data by utilizing graph theory approach. This algorithm can be applicable for military basis and highly information secure system.


2019 ◽  
pp. 203-232
Author(s):  
Іhor Sribniak ◽  
Anna Khlebina

The creation of the Libereс camp of interned soldiers-Ukrainians was caused by emergence on the territory of Czechoslovakia of certain groups of Ukrainian soldiers, who tried to get back to their motherland. Their placement in the camp has begun at September 1920, and the life of the camp was built on a military basis. With a view to establish of Liberec camp`s cultural and educational life, there were created the «Cultural and Educational Club» of four (theatrical, musical, historical and photographic) sections. Its primary task was to set up courses for illiterates, as well as providing regular statements for other categories of interned soldiers, organization of sports clubs and archiving. Realization of cultural and educational work at the Liberec camp was largely depended on financial assistance, received from officers of the Ukrainian Galician Army interned at Německé Jablonné camp. It was especially needed in the winter of 1920-1921, when camp inhabitants has suffered of cold in wooden barracks and of deficient food rations. However, this situation did not prevent the organization of activities a number of artistic and educational centers (theater, choirs, courses, schools) in the Camp, intensive national patriotic and educational work as well. There was a library with a fund of about 1000 books and also a shop. The camp command had sought therefore to socialize of interned soldiers, caring for their general and special education for civil professions. Most of the camp inhabitants went gradually out of Camp as part of the workers’ teams to various parts of Czechoslovakia. At the same time, the military discipline was supported in the Camp; military exercises were required, every time when new soldiers came to the Camp, the military organization, specific for the parts of the UHA, was restored. Even workers’ teams formed in the Camp, have a military basis and were subordinated to the UHA Army’s Initial command. These measures were aimed to preparing Ukrainian soldiers for the continuation of the armed fighting for Ukraine’s independence.


Author(s):  
Kristopher A. Teters

From beginning to end, Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman remained a reluctant liberator who never saw emancipation as a moral imperative. He had opposed the Emancipation Proclamation at the time it was issued, but by late 1863, Sherman had come to accept the end of slavery as a necessary and inevitable consequence of the war. But even if emancipation made some pragmatic sense, Sherman harbored deep racial prejudices, despised abolitionists, and worried that emancipation issues were looming too large in the Union war effort. During his famed marches in Georgia and the Carolinas, Sherman tried to carry out emancipation on a strictly military basis to benefit the army. He and his officers willingly took in slaves that they could use and discouraged all others. Yet thousands of black refugees had still joined Sherman’s columns. Regardless of what army officers thought, many slaves viewed them as liberators and would not pass up an opportunity to gain freedom. So ironically, the general who was probably least interested in assuming the mantle of a liberator led an army that freed thousands. For many, Sherman’s results mattered more than intentions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52
Author(s):  
Phillip M. Hash

The purpose of this study was to examine the history of the Austin High School (AHS) Girls’ Band (AHSGB) of Chicago, Illinois, which existed from 1925 to 1956. This research focused on the band’s (a) organization and leadership, (b) activities within the school and community, (c) relationship to the AHS Boys Band, and (d) efforts to challenge and support traditional gender roles of the early and mid-twentieth century. I also considered how the history of this group might provide historical context to lingering attitudes regarding female band musicians and conductors today. H. E. Nutt organized the AHSGB in fall 1925 at the request of female students and school administration. The ensemble operated similarly to the boys’ band in that it functioned on a military basis, performed as both a concert and marching unit, and competed among the boys at city band and solo contests. The AHSGB gradually moved away from the all-military approach beginning in the early 1940s and eventually assumed a more feminine image that aligned with society’s efforts to restore traditional gender roles following World War II. The AHSGB combined with the boys in the fall of 1956, which resulted in a steep decline in female participation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2-3) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Marcello Savastano ◽  
Monica Calderaro ◽  
Giulia Maestoso

The following work is going to treat assembling main studies about the topic, the criminological analysis of sexual vicious behavior, outcome of a research led within a Master’s contest about “Criminology, investigative and strategic sciences for security”, by the Unitelma Sapienza University of Rome. The number of victims caused by this peculiar aberration of human behavior, per year, is comparable to a war: even though, of the latter one, shares only a subtle gradient of aggressiveness, produced or linked with sexual choices and not relating to more socially-elaborated frames, growth out to a political-military basis. Therefore, “Behavior”, first and foremost, “sexual vicious”, furthermore: this one is the indivisible hendiadys that will remark the “behavior1” on which the focus points into, to no scatter speculative energies and to tighten the essay’s core in two clamped angles of research, that otherwise could spread outwards, becoming loose and approximative. Consequently, will be of preliminary importance to start from the semantic compounds between aggressiveness and sex, that spread themselves in the definitions of rape and sexual abuse. Possibly, we will obtain a perimeter, a slot from which observe the general topic about the sexual normality and deviance: in the twilight interstice, stemmed from the difference between these two poles, that could seem a prism but also an opaque and shady tissue, the sexual vicious behavior shows off its dynamics, its inner mechanics, its selfpropelling criminal engine. Of course, the article’s structure had to contemplate all the psychodynamic path of the sex offender, profiting by methodological guidelines of prof. Vincenzo Mastronardi, so arriving in a ranking whose value, probably, founds the peak utility in investigative environments (if there was an acting-out). ---------- Il lavoro che segue tratterà, rassegnando le principali ricerche in materia, l’analisi criminologica del comportamento sessuale violento, frutto di una ricerca condotta nell’ambito del Master in “Criminologia, scienze investigative e strategiche per la sicurezza” dell’Università Unitelma Sapienza di Roma. I numeri delle vittime di questa peculiare aberrazione del comportamento umano, per anno, sono paragonabili a quelli di una guerra: eppure, di quest’ultima, ne condividono solamente un certo gradiente di violenza, generata o correlata a opzioni di natura sessuale e non in contesti socialmente più elaborati di matrice politico-militare. Per cui “comportamento”, innanzitutto, “sessuale violento”, poi: quest’ultima è l’endiadi inscindibile che connoterà il “comportamento” su cui punta il focus, per non disperdere le energie speculative e per stringere in due serrati angoli di ricerca l’argomento, che altrimenti presterebbe il fianco ad infinite indagini euristiche, ovvero a gradazioni prospettiche troppo ampie e, quindi, inesorabilmente approssimative. Risulterà pertanto di preliminare rilevanza partire dalle combinazioni semantiche tra violenza e sesso, che si irradiano nelle definizioni di stupro ed abuso sessuale. Si otterrà, auspicabilmente, un perimetro, una feritoia dalla quale osservare l’argomento più generale attinente la normalità e la devianza sessuale: nell’interstizio chiaroscurale, ricavato dalla breve ed incerta distanza tra questi poli, che può essere sì un prisma ma anche uno stagnante tessuto opaco ed adombrante, il comportamento sessuale violento svela la propria meccanica, il proprio intrinseco funzionamento, la propria semovenza criminale. Certamente, la strutturazione dell’articolo doveva tenere in considerazione tutto l’itinerario psicodinamico del sex offender, traendo particolare giovamento dalle indicazioni metodologiche del prof. Vincenzo Mastronardi, così arrivandone, in ragione delle singole estrinsecazioni della devianza, ad una classificazione il cui valore, probabilmente, trova l’apice della propria utilità in ambienti investigativi (laddove vi sia stato un acting-out). ---------- El trabajo que sigue, al renunciar a la investigación principal sobre este tema, el análisis criminológico del comportamiento sexual violento, es el resultado de una investigación realizada en el Máster en “Criminología, Ciencias de Investigación y Estratégicas para la Seguridad” en la Universidad Unitelma Sapienza Roma. El número de víctimas de esta peculiar aberración del comportamiento humano por año es comparable al de una guerra, sin embargo, estas últimas solo comparten un cierto grado de violencia, generada o relacionada con opciones de naturaleza sexual, y no contextos socialmente más elaborados de la matriz político-militar. Por lo tanto, “comportamiento” es en primer lugar un “sexo violento”, entonces: este último es la dotación inseparable que transmitirá el “comportamiento” en el que se enfoca el foco, para no dispersar las energías especulativas y sujetar en dos esquinas de la búsqueda el argumento, que de otra manera se adheriría a investigaciones heurísticas interminables, o a grados prospectivamente amplios y por lo tanto inexorablemente aproximados. Por lo tanto, será de primordial importancia a partir de las combinaciones semánticas entre violencia y sexo, que irradian las definiciones de violación y abuso sexual. Esperemos hallar un perímetro, una rendija desde la cual observar el argumento más general sobre la normalidad y la desviación sexual: en el intersticio de claroscuro, obtenido a partir de la distancia corta e incierta entre estos polos, que puede ser un prisma, pero también uno Tejido mate y opaco estancado, el comportamiento sexual violento revela su propia mecánica, su funcionamiento intrínseco, su propia auto evolución criminal. Ciertamente, la estructuración del artículo debe tener en cuenta todo el itinerario psicodinámico del delincuente sexual, obteniendo un beneficio particular de las indicaciones metodológicas del prof. Vincenzo Mastronardi, llegando, en razón de la extinción individual de la desviación, a una clasificación cuyo valor probablemente encuentre su aptitud en los entornos de investigación (donde ha sido un acting-out).


1964 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. M. Savory

The names of the principal officers of the early Ṣafawid ṣtate are well known and need only a brief recapitulation here. They were: (1) the wakīl; (2) the amīr al-umarā; (3) the qūrchībāshī; (4) the wazīr; (5) the ṣadr. Of these, the wakīl was the vicegerent of the Shāh, representing him in both his temporal capacity as pādishāh and in his spiritual capacity as murshid-i kāmil. He was thus the most powerful official in the early Ṣafawid state. The amīr al-umarā was, as his name denotes, the principal amīr; he was the commander-in-chief of the qizilbāsh Turkomān tribesmen who constituted the military basis of Ṣafawid political power. The function of the qūrchībāshī during the early Ṣafawid period is extremely obscure. As commander of the qūrchīs or qizilbāsh; tribal cavalry his authority would appear to have been in conflict with that of the amīr al-umarā. The office of qūrchībāshī was from the beginning distinct from that of amīr al-umarā, and during at least the first 30 years of Ṣafawid rule it was of less importance than the latter. From about 940/1533–4 onwards, however, there was a decline in the power of the amīr al-umarā, and a corresponding increase in that of the qurchībāshī, and under Isma'īl II and Muḥammad Khudābanda the qūrchībāshī became the most influential officer in the state. The wazīr was the head of the bureaucracy, and was traditionally the principal officer of state. Up to the time of 'Abbās I, however, his authority was restricted by the overriding authority of the wakīl, by the intervention of the amīr al-umarā in political affairs, by the existence of the ṣadr, who deprived him of the possibility of exercising general supervision over the religious institution, and by the predominantly military character of the early Ṣafawid state in general, which placed the ‘men of the pen’ at a disadvantage vis-à-vis the ‘men of the sword’. The ṣadr was the head of the religious institution, but since in practice the religious institution was subordinated to the political institution, the authority of the ṣadr was necessarily subordinated to that of the wakīl. The main function of the ṣadr was the imposition of doctrinal unity, namely Shi'ism, throughout the Ṣafawid empire. Once this object had been achieved, the power of the ṣadr declined, although from time to time the ṣadr made attempts (largely unsuccessful) to intervene in political matters.


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