Policy Priority Analysis for Vitalization of Industry-Academia Cooperation: Busan City Case

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 97-130
Author(s):  
Seung-Hyeon Lee ◽  
Kyungsu Park ◽  
Chul-Yong Lee
Keyword(s):  
2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 70-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Gallagher

Public opinion in the United States and elsewhere celebrated the liberation of Afghan women following the defeat of the Taliban government. The United States promised to stay in Afghanistan and foster security, economic development, and human rights for all, especially women. After years of funding various anti- Soviet Mujahidin warlords, the United States had agreed to help reconstruct the country once before in 1992, when the Soviet-backed government fell, but had lost interest when the warlords began to fight among themselves. This time, however, it was going to be different. To date, however, conditions have not improved for most Afghan women and reconstruction has barely begun. How did this happen? This article explores media presentations of Afghan women and then compares them with recent reports from human rights organizations and other eyewitness accounts. It argues that the media depictions were built on earlier conceptions of Muslim societies and allowed us to adopt a romantic view that disguised or covered up the more complex historical context of Afghan history and American involvement in it. We allowed ourselves to believe that Afghans were exotic characters who were modernizing or progressing toward a western way of life, despite the temporary setback imposed by the Taliban government. In Afghanistan, however, there was a new trope: the feminist Afghan woman activist. Images of prominent Afghan women sans burqa were much favored by the mass media and American policymakers. The result, however, was not a new focus on funding feminist political organizations or making women’s rights a foreign policy priority; rather, it was an unwillingness to fulfill obligations incurred during decades of American-funded mujahidin warfare, to face the existence of deteriorating conditions for women, resumed opium cultivation, and a resurgent Taliban, or to commit to a multilateral approach that would bring in the funds and expertise needed to sustain a long-term process of reconstruction.


Author(s):  
A.A. KRUTKO

The article is devoted to the consideration of the modern model of interstate relations between Russia and Kyrgyzstan. The author demonstrates the asymmetry of such model, expressed in the fact that the Eurasian integration is a foreign policy priority for the Russian Federation, that considers it a strategic goal of the multipolar world. The policy of Kyrgyz Republic is based on the multivector principle and therefore refers to the integration project as one of the tools for achieving economic interests and a means of ensuring development. The author comes to the conclusion that the main meaning of that integration project for Kyrgyzstan is a pragmatic solution of social problems with the assistance of the Russian Federation and other EAEU member states. For Russia, in its turn, the pragmatism of this model consists in the strengthening of its strategic presence in the Central Asian region and its authority in the international arena as a whole. In the future, not only the common historical past, economic, militarypolitical and humanitarian ties, but also joint participation in the formation of a new world order will be the dominant factor in strengthening RussianKyrgyz relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 692 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-252
Author(s):  
Fred Wulczyn

To understand what placement outside of one’s home means to the young people involved, we must understand foster care from a life course perspective. I analyze young people’s experiences in foster care from this perspective, accounting for when foster care happens, how long it lasts, and what happens when foster care placements end. I show that the population of children coming into foster care is younger and less urban than it was 20 years ago. I also show reliable measures of exposure to foster care over the life course. Children who enter care early in life are the children who spend the largest proportion of their childhood in foster care—a fact that rarely weighs on the policymaking process. We know very little about state and local variation in foster care placement rates, not to mention the influence of social services, the courts, foster parents, and caseworkers over foster children, so I close by arguing investment in research should be a clear policy priority.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 357-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Prior

Civil renewal is an emerging policy priority for the UK government, aiming to build stronger, more cohesive communities and to encourage individual citizens to be active members of such communities. The promotion of social capital and trust relationships is central to this approach. Strategies to improve community safety and reduce crime and disorder are closely related to the drive for civil renewal, with the two sets of policies seen as mutually supportive. This article shows, however, that many community safety initiatives are founded on relationships of suspicion between citizens. This generates a dynamic of exclusion that is likely to undermine attempts at civil renewal.


2002 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
S. R. Johnson

This Conference has more then lived up to its billing, exploring policy options for a new rural America but in addition identifying the basis for a new framework for rural policy. Evidence that a new policy framework is needed is abundant (Stauber). In one way or another, rural areas of North America and of most of the developed world have for at least the past century experienced secular decline compared to urban areas. This has occurred during a period of high government transfers or subsidies, both direct and from policy interventions that have distorted the functioning of markets. It is clear that the systemic discrepancy between rural and urban populations/areas is a public policy priority. It is just as clear that there has not been a consensus on how to address these development and economic issues. Much funding and technical assistance has been allocated with little apparent impact on the condition of rural areas and rural people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Delima Hasri Azahari

<p>Palm oil is one of the main commodities in Indonesia’s economy as it plays an important role in export market of the non-oil and gas sector. Palm oil industry at farm level deals with lack of replanting, low yield, low quality, and undeveloped downstream industry. Indonesia is relatively potential to develop the palm oil downstream industry given the existing market. Global palm oil demand keeps increasing despite negative campaigns against crude palm oil (CPO) and its derivative products. Land availability, labor supply and cultivation technology are supportive. This paper discusses and evaluates national palm oil performance, especially opportunities and challenges in creating value added to this industry. There are four main challenges, i.e. limited infrastructure and financing, lack of access to local authorities, land use conflict, and environment pressure. The government needs to implement policy priority on palm oil downstream industry which is more competitive, integrated, and sustainable.</p><p> </p><p>Abstrak</p><p>Komoditas kelapa sawit merupakan salah satu komoditas andalan perekonomian nasional dan sebagai penghasil devisa negara terbesar di sektor nonmigas. Permasalahan yang dihadapi industri kelapa sawit pada tingkat usaha tani adalah terbatasnya investasi untuk peremajaan, rendahnya produktivitas dan kualitas hasil, dan belum berkembungnya industri hilir secara maksimal sehingga produk-produk turunan kelapa sawit masih terbatas. Sementara itu, Indonesia masih memiliki potensi yang besar untuk meningkatkan nilai tambah melalui industri pengolahan turunan kelapa sawit jika dilihat dari sisi permintaan pasar maupun penawarannya. Dari sisi permintaan, permintaan kelapa sawit global terus meningkat walalupun dalam kondisi adanya kampanye negatif (black campaign) terhadap produk minyak sawit atau CPO (Crude Palm Oil) dan produk-produk turunannya. Dari sisi penawaran, ketersediaan lahan, tenaga kerja dan teknologi budi daya sangat menudukung. Tulisan ini membahas dan mengevaluasi kinerja industri sawit nasional, khususnya bagaimana peluang dan kendala penciptaan nilai tambah industri sawit. Tulisan ini menekankan empat kendala utama dalam pemanfaatan peluang tersebut, yaitu keterbatasan infrastruktur dan sumber pendanaan, akses otonomi daerah, konflik lahan, dan tekanan isu lingkungan. Dalam hal ini, pemerintah dituntut untuk dapat menerapkan berbagai kebijakan yang memprioritaskan pada hilirisasi kelapa sawit dengan pendekatan klaster/kawasan guna membangun struktur industri kelapa sawit yang berdaya saing, terpadu dan berkelanjutan. </p>


Author(s):  
Linda Hancock

Drawing on narrative analysis, this paper analyses the 2013 Fifth Regulatory Review of the license of an Australian casino as a case study focused on the framing and articulation of ‘responsible gambling’ (RG) in the Review. Part 1 sets out the policy and regulatory context for the licensing review of Melbourne’s Crown Casino. Part 2 overviews the structure/content of the Review; the key messages of the Reviewers’ narrative and its main recommendations. In reflecting on the Review in Part 3, analysis focuses on the investigation and recommendations regarding Responsible Gambling, which has gained recent policy priority. The analysis interrogates the Review’s findings, narratives, processes and evidentiary base in relation to how it presents and assesses casino performance on RG. In doing so, it focuses on the Victorian Commission for Gambling and Liquor Regulation’s Review’s framing of RG; sources of evidence drawn on by the Review; an assessment of the casino’s loyalty club feature ‘Play Safe’, as an RG measure; the Review’s assessment of casino performance on RG and its Code of Conduct in particular; and the Review’s framing of RG recommendations. It concludes with reflections on governance issues raised by the Review, the need for more focus on the neglected area of regulatory licensing and enforcement (OECD, 2011; 2012; OECD & European Commission, 2009) and the need for independent regulatory reviews that address conflicts of interest on the part of both Government and the Regulator.


Author(s):  
Tatiana A. Karasova

Israeli-U.S. relations are an important factor in U.S. policy in the Middle East. USA maintain Israel as a strategic ally and Israel was granted American “major non-NATO ally” status. United States actively influenced the Israeli regional policy. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement was always America’ the most priority area. Israelis and Americans share the view that the United States has a predominant role and responsibility in the Palestinians - Israeli dispute peace-making. The two-state outcome and critical issue over Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem was a topic of American concerns for a long time relied on bipartisanship support of Democrats and Republicans. During Osama’s  presidency D. Biden held post of deputy president and supported no new ideas for restarting negotiations between the sides of the conflict but its policies have failed, from Israel’s refusal to freeze settlement. The next Trump administration however was the “most pro-Israel ever”. Trump’s White House led a radical departure from the U.S.’s traditional role as the honest broker between Israelis and Palestinians. Biden’s victory in 2021 signals restructure Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts, rehabilitating a durable two-state formula that establishes political, territorial, and demographic separation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). But uunlike the Obama and Trump administrations, the Biden administration doesn&apos;t see the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a foreign policy priority. The question is: what really a Biden presidency might mean for the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?


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