scholarly journals The influence of the internal factors on the resolution of the Colombian armed conflict and the result of the 2016 peace talks

2016 ◽  
pp. 114-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Seredá

The article analyses three basic themes in the peace negotiations between the government of Colombia and the FARC: agrarian question, political participation and drug-trafficking. The article deals with the state of these problems presented in the historic perspective and with some variants of its resolution included into the Final agreement with the FARC. The author attempts to evaluate these agreements and to explain the declining of the agreement in the referendum (2016) for its approval.

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar V. Bautista-Cespedes ◽  
Louise Willemen ◽  
Augusto Castro-Nunez ◽  
Thomas A. Groen

AbstractThe Amazon rainforest covers roughly 40% of Colombia’s territory and has important global ecological functions. For more than 50 years, an internal war in the country has shaped this region. Peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) initiated in 2012 resulted in a progressive de-escalation of violence and a complete ceasefire in 2016. This study explores the role of different deforestation drivers including armed conflict variables, in explaining deforestation for three periods between 2001 and 2015. Iterative regression analyses were carried out for two spatial extents: the entire Colombian Amazon and a subset area which was most affected by deforestation. The results show that conflict variables have positive relationships with deforestation; yet, they are not among the main variables explaining deforestation. Accessibility and biophysical variables explain more variation. Nevertheless, conflict variables show divergent influence on deforestation depending on the period and scale of analysis. Based on these results, we develop deforestation risk maps to inform the design of forest conservation efforts in the post-conflict period.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302110430
Author(s):  
Wahid Ahmad Dar

The article focuses on the subaltern system of micro appropriations or Jugaads used by young Kashmiris to survive within precarious situations inflicted due to armed conflict. More particularly, it argues that such Jugaads are invoked by the subaltern consciousness of Tehreeq-e-Azadi, which offers space for not just the negotiation with the state but also the creative improvisation of daily political actions. It is illustrated that young people’s political participation is entangled with the attempts to overcome the uncertainty around their lives, thereby offering them pragmatic solutions in advancing their interests. It is further elaborated that the existing polarization between separatism and mainstream is obscure at the experiential level, living within precarious situations has taught young people to silently craft possibilities of a good life without looking confrontational to either side. The article argues that localized forms of engagement are crucial for a comprehensive understanding of how modern states operate.


2019 ◽  
pp. 48-51
Author(s):  
I. Shcherbakova

An attempt to solve the agrarian question at the beginning of the 20th century has been analyzed. The interaction and confrontation of two ministries – the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of the Interior and local authorities: local committees of the Special Meeting on the needs of the agricultural industry and provincial committees of the Editorial Commission of the Ministry of the Interior, their attempts to discuss and resolve the peasant issue at the beginning of the 20th century, – have been examined. It has been substantiated, that at the beginning of the 20th century the state authorities did not develop a unified course in resolving the peasant issue and only the events of the 1905 revolution forced the government to take emergency measures in the development of agricultural legislation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Yurii Lupenko ◽  
◽  
Yurii Radionov ◽  
◽  
◽  
...  

The state financial system must function smoothly and respond promptly to destabilizing exogenous and endogenous factors that can arise at any time. Therefore, ensuring the financial system's stability and improving its mechanisms is an important component of public policy. The purpose of the article is to reveal the essence of the financial system's stability, identify internal factors of the financial vulnerability of Ukraine that may affect the effectiveness of the country's financial system, and find ways to overcome them. The content of the concept of "stability of the financial system" is revealed. It is established that the use of different terminology indicates the complexity and, at the same time, the versatility of this term. According to international experience, the country's central bank has a decisive role in assessing the stability of the financial system; in Ukraine, this function is performed by the National Bank of Ukraine. It was found that inefficient use of budget funds is one of the key factors in the financial system's vulnerability. The state of execution of the State Budget of Ukraine in 2020 is analyzed. It has been established that over the last decade, the budget has been executed with a deficit, and the existence of a significant budget deficit leads to a movement in the “debt spiral”. The Government borrows a significant amount of money to implement the budget, and therefore it is becoming increasingly difficult to attract them on reasonable terms. Failure to receive the funds leads to late spending. Thus, the budget deficit, public debt, and inefficient use of budget funds are the internal factors that increase the financial system's vulnerability and undermine its stability.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Roddy Brett

This article builds upon recent scholarship in critical peace studies that focuses on the role of civil society actors in formal peacemaking processes, in short, peace talks, and post-conflict peacebuilding. The article specifically explores the role of civil society actors in the Guatemalan peace process. The research addresses the possible tensions and potential complementarities in processes where civil society enjoys a mandated role in centralised, formal peace negotiations carried out between the state and armed actors in talks levied within the liberal peace framework. In the case of Guatemala, non-state actors participated to an unprecedented extent in the peace negotiations, and Guatemala has not relapsed into armed conflict. However, post-conflict Guatemala is a violent and unstable country. Consequently, the study challenges the assumption that peacemaking is necessarily more successful in those instances where provisions have been established to guarantee the participation of civil society.


1970 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 230-242
Author(s):  
Horst Weigelt

AbstractFrederick II neither tolerated the Schwenckfeldians in Silesia as an independent denomination nor recognized them, but, rather from a legal basis demanded that they be incorporated into the Lutheran Church. With the acknowledgement of the Schwenckfeldian movement as an independant denomination, he would have gone beyond article VII of the Instrumenta Pacis Osnabrigense, jeopardizing future peace negotiations with the House of Habsburg. However, he did promise the Schwenckfeldians that the government would respect their personal faith and conscience and would be willing to protect them from attack, though limited by the reason of state which would be endangered if the fundamental articles of the Christian religion were openly denied. For if these were negated one could not discount the possibility that not only Maria Theresea but also the Protestant and Catholic subjects would take offence, causing tension and diminishing the prosperity of the State. The philosopher of Sanssouci himself held freedom of faith and conscience highly, but felt it had to be subordinate to the welfare of the state. The actual reason for he gave this assurance to the Schwenckfeldians though, was not merely to give his subjects a relative amount of freedom, but, more important, to encourage further immigration into his lands. Frederick II, who saw himself as the first servant of his state, thereby hoped to raise the density of population in relatively depopulated areas, to promote manufacturing and trade, and with it the prosperity of the state. The positive impulse for the attitude of Frederic II against the Schwenckfeldians was therefore in the last analysis based on political motives. His concession of freedom of faith and conscience to the Schwenckfeldians was in principle possible only because he had granted such freedom to all his Silesian subjects - who had to belong to one of the three confessions recognized by the Peace of Westphalia- on the condition that they would not deny reverence to God or subservience to the State. In comparison to the intolerant attitude of many contemporary states which gave their subjects no liberty of faith or conscience, the position which the state of Frederic II hat taken vis-a-vis the Schwenckfeldians in Silesia therefore signifies a great step forward. This position, however, was considerably less than the religious freedom enjoyed by those Schwenckfeldians who emigrated to Pennsylvania.


Author(s):  
Deb Proshad Halder ◽  
Sharon Campbell-Phillips

This conceptual paper tends to abridge all the theories on political participation in voting system as well as contributing to the government. Political participation is a mandatory choice needs to be analyzed as it is a choice that the state had imposed on its citizens though it centres round very significant factors. Political participation is a necessary ingredient of every political system. By involving many in the matters of the state, political participation fosters stability and order by reinforcing the legitimacy of political authority. This review article defines the political participation, participants, the necessity of participation, the social, political, economic as well as psychological state of affairs that influence citizens to participate. It also highlights the apathy behind not participating and the types and causes of political participation. Thus the paper tries to present a thorough picture of the issues behind the process of political participation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (24) ◽  
pp. 20-27
Author(s):  
Oleg Zagornyak ◽  
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Vitaliy Ivanchenko ◽  

Introduction. The development of transport infrastructure plays a key role in the implementation of the state strategy to stimulate the economic development of the eastern regions of Ukraine. Among other things, the most important component is the network of state roads. Some of the roads damaged by the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine remain in poor condition. Problems. The armed conflict in eastern Ukraine in Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts has damaged and destroyed road infrastructure. This in turn has complicated and made road transport more expensive. As a result of the movement of large and heavy military equipment, most often moving in columns, on highways of state and local importance there are potholes, subsidence, destruction of the edges of the pavement, ruts. To improve the situation and bring performance to the relevant standards, a number of State target programs and projects were introduced. But some roads still remain destroyed and need funding for repairs and reconstruction. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to highlight the state and prospects of road infrastructure development in the regions that have been negatively affected by the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine. Materials and methods. During the writing of the article, dialectical methods of scientific knowledge were used to form a list of highways of state importance in the eastern regions of Ukraine, primarily analysis and synthesis. Empirical methods of cognition, such as description, measurement and comparison, are also used. Results. The paper highlights and characterizes the state of road infrastructure in the regions affected by the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine and reveals the prospects for its development. Conclusions. The need to finance the repair and restoration of roads that have not been included in the list of already approved and funded programs, and the formation of clear strategic directions may be provided by the Program of measures for restoration and development of public roads in Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Armed conflict in eastern Ukraine, taking into account the priorities of restoring and building peace, realizing the industrial potential of the eastern regions of Ukraine and the principles of development of the entire network of public roads of state importance of Ukraine. Critical for the implementation of this plan is the adoption by the government of a program for the restoration and development of public roads of state importance in the regions that have been negatively affected by the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine.


2021 ◽  
pp. 15-50
Author(s):  
Consuelo Corredor ◽  
Clara Ramírez

Resumen: Durante décadas, Colombia estuvo en la agenda nacional e internacional de los estudios sobre violencia, por la prolongada duración del conflicto armado, por la diversidad de actores con roles y características diferentes, y especialmente por las serias consecuencias en cuanto a desplazamientos, desapariciones y asesinatos sufridos por amplios sectores de la población, así como por los graves efectos sobre el uso y apropiación de valiosos recursos vinculados a la tierra y a las actividades extractivas. Pasados algo más de cuatro años del proceso de implementación del Acuerdo Final de Paz entre el Gobierno y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia- Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), que por el alcance de los compromisos y por los acuerdos inéditos en justicia transicional ha despertado un gran interés de académicos y políticos en el concierto internacional, en este artículo se presentan algunas reflexiones sobre el contexto en el que se ha desarrollado su implementación, las oportunidades que se han abierto, y los avances y retos que enfrenta, la mayoría de ellas derivadas de los informes realizados por los órganos dispuestos para el seguimiento y verificación de los compromisos adquiridos por las partes. Four Years in the Way of Implementing the Final Agreement between the Colombia Government and the FARc-EP Abstract: For decades, Colombia was on the national and international agenda of studies on vio- lence due to the prolonged duration of the armed conflict, due to the diversity of actors with different roles and characteristics, and especially due to the serious consequences of displacement, disappearances and murders suffered by broad sectors of the population, as well as the serious effects on the use and appropriation of valuable resources linked to land and extractive resources. After just over 4 years of implementation of the Agreement with the FARC-EP, Colombia awakens great academic and political interest in the international arena, due to the scope of the commit- ments and unpublished agreements on transitional justice and mechanisms for the sustainability of the achievements. Keywords: armed conflict, peace negotiations, democracy, victims, land, challenges, alerts.  


Author(s):  
Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham

Civil wars have becoming increasingly complex in the last 50 years, the role of fragmentation in contemporary civil wars needs to be addressed. Two primary dimensions of fractionalization are: (1) fragmented conflict (i.e., those with many different actor) and (2) fragmented actors (i.e., internally divided “sides” of a conflict). In addition to the two types of fragmentation, there are also various causes of fragmentation. The primary causes of fractionalized conflicts are rooted in the interplay between opposition actors and the government, and among opposition actors. Peace negotiations, accommodation, and the process of war all put stress on opposition actors (and to perhaps a more limited extent, on governments). Lastly, there is a set of conflict-related outcomes and processes that have been linked empirically to fractionalization. These include accommodation of opposition demands, higher rates of violence (against the state and civilians), infighting, duration of conflict, and side-switching.


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