scholarly journals La figura teórica de Bolívar Echeverría: crítica de la economía política y crítica a la modernidad capitalista / The theoretical figure of Bolívar Echeverría: criticism of political economy and criticism of capitalist modernity

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Alejandro Fernando González Jiménez

Este trabajo pretende dejar de manifiesto la existencia de una figura o estructura teórica dentro de la obra del marxista latinoamericano Bolívar Echeverría, que muestre su organicidad interna y lógica argumental. A través de cuatro momentos (los fundamentos, núcleo, ramales o derivas y resultados), se recorre la totalidad de su producción teórica, siguiendo dos elementos estructurales; por un lado, el modo especifico en que el autor leyó la "crítica de la economía política" de Karl Marx, y, por el otro, su intento por desarrollar una crítica a la modernidad capitalista desde la cultura política, a partir de los fundamentos de su lectura de Marx. This work tries to show the existence of a figure or theoretical structure within the work of the Latin American Marxist Bolívar Echeverría, which shows its internal organicity and logical argument. Through four moments (foundations, nucleus, branches or drifts and results), the entirety of its theoretical production is covered, following two structural elements; on the one hand, the specific way in which this author read Karl Marx's critique of political economy, and, on the other, his attempt to develop from it, a critique from political culture to capitalist modernity.

2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-112
Author(s):  
Antonio A. Arantes

This structural analysis focuses on the compadrio system. The empirical background is provided by observation carried out among sertanejo peasants of Bahia in the late 1960s and by the literature on the Latin American and Southern European variants of this institution. It is mainly concerned with two complementary problems. On the one hand, to draw a model that might represent that institution's elementary structure, virtually present in the variants of this system; on the other, to offer an interpretation of its meaning, by contrasting it with elements of the kinship and marriage systems, and taking in consideration the peasants' religious background. This exercise was inspired by Edmund Leach's Rethinking anthropology and his ideas about the Virgin Birth. Analytical perspectives for further research are suggested.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjell Winkens

This thesis seeks to answer the question 'when, how, and why the Danish asylum system become more restrictive than the Swedish one between 1989 and 2001'. In the analysis of these reasons, a particular emphasis is placed on the different political perceptions of both countries’ welfare philosophies on the one hand, and their political culture on the other. The influence of anti-immigration parties on mainstream political culture is an important part of this analysis. Through a distinction between border and integration policy, it becomes clear that the Danish asylum policy becomes more restrictive in the second half of the 1990s, because of its focus on cultural integration as a duty to the welfare state. The thesis concludes with a discussion regarding the impact of (neoliberal) economic changes on solidarity within political culture.


Author(s):  
Laila Kholid Alfirdaus ◽  
Eric Hiariej ◽  
Farsijana Adeney Risakotta

Relasi etnik Minang dan etnik Cina di Padang, Sumatra Barat, menarik untuk dikaji. Melalui desk-study atas kajian Minang dan Cina, yang diperkuat dengan penelitian lapangan pada 2010 dan 2013 secara kualitatif dengan wawancara dan observasi, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa tidak cukup melihat relasi etnik Minang dan Cina dari perspektif ekonomi politik. Kita perlu memberikan perhatian terhadap faktor budaya dan budaya politik masyarakat Minang di Padang yang bercorak matrilineal. Jika literatur yang ada cenderung deterministik, menghasilkan dua pandangan yang secara ekstrem berbeda, yang dalam artikel ini disebut pandangan manis dan sinis, tulisan ini berargumen sebaliknya. Relasi etnik Minang dan etnik Cina tidak bisa secara buru-buru disebut manis hanya karena etnik Cina telah menetap dan berpartisipasi dalam kehidupan sosial ekonomi Padang sejak zaman penjajahan, atau karena Padang relatif minim kerusuhan dibandingkan kota lainnya. Demikian juga, ia tidak bisa serta merta dilihat secara sinis hanya karena segregasi sosial terlihat lebih kentara. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa dua wajah yang secara bersamaan terjadi tidak lepas dari bentukan budaya Minang yang lekat dengan nilai-nilai matrilineal yang tertuang dalam ide feministik Bundo KanduangInter-etnic relations between Minang and Chinese in Padang, West Sumatra, that looks different compared to other societies in Indonesia is interesting to discuss. Through a desk study about Minang and Chinese, being strengthened with fieldworks in 2010 and 2013 using qualitative methods in which in-depth interview and non-participatory observations, this article found that political economy perspective being used to explain Minang-Chinese relations is not enough. We need to pay attention on culture and political culture of Minangkabau society in Padang, that is matrilineal in the nature. While the existing lieratures tend to strictly classify the relations into sweet and cynical (good and bad relations), this article argue the contrary. The relatively long encounter of Chinese with Minang in Padang as well as the less conflicts (mass violence) against Chinese compared to the other regions could not be simply categorized as manis (sweet relations). Similarly, we should not undermine the good relations between Minang and Chinese, existing in some ocassions merely as formalistic practices just because of segregation in Minang and Chineses residential areas. This article argues that the twocontrary but inseparable faces of Minang-Chineses relations are inseparable from the Minangkabau culture that is matrilineal in the nature, as manifested in Bundo Kanduang containing the idea of femininity.


2019 ◽  
pp. 114-135
Author(s):  
David Brydan

Social experts played an important but contested role in Francoist attempts to establish Spain as an influential power in Latin America during the 1940s and 1950s. By encouraging Spanish experts to form ties with their Latin American colleagues, the Franco regime aimed to promote an image of itself as modern, scientific, and technically advanced on the one hand, and as socially progressive on the other. Despite the significant resources dedicated to this task, the Francoist narrative was strongly resisted both by Latin American leftists and by exiled Republican social experts who promoted a more collaborative model of Ibero-American identity. Nevertheless, Latin America did offer a route through which Francoist experts were able to engage with wider forms of international health and welfare. In areas such as social security, it also provided an opportunity for the regime to promote its vision of Francoist modernity to the outside world.


1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arpad Von Lazar ◽  
Michele McNabb

Latin American societies and economies are. in a world of change and transition. The past decade, from 1973 to the present, has been for them an era of anxiety on the one hand and of opportunity on the other, a paradoxical era in which prospects for development had to compete with the high social costs of stagnation in many instances.Energy was the catchword, and the name of energy was oil. Its price, its availability, and its promise (a road to riches for those fortunate enough to possess it, a threat of increasing poverty for those unfortunate enough to have to buy it) brought turmoil to the economies, and the bodies politic, of Latin America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Mershon ◽  
Olga Shvetsova

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the quest for legitimacy conducted by hereditary, traditional leaders in dual legitimacy systems. We theorise that traditional leaders engage in meta-constitutional bargaining, i.e. bargaining among constitutionally and traditionally defined actors within the meta-constitutional space. This process resembles constitutional bargaining in federations over the institutional balance between the members and centre, and among members. We thus propose a parallel between the theory of federal bargaining, on the one hand, and, on the other, the process of institutional balancing between agents in constitutional and traditional authority structures in dual legitimacy systems. Evidence from narratives of institutional balancing between constitutional and traditional authorities in Southern Africa suggests that actors’ strategies in dual legitimacy systems accord with the framework here. The narratives also disclose that both constitutional and traditional authorities rely on the state's courts for adjudication. The paper enriches social science scholarship on traditional authority, political economy and federalism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Scott Timcke

This chapter applies theoretical insights around misrecognition to better understand the intersection of misinformation and ideology in the United States. It argues that misinformation practices are products of modernity. American modernity is characterized by contradictions between its basic social forms such as the money form, the commodity form, and so on. The contradictions create a bind for rulers. On the one hand, these contradictions mean that their rule is never stable. On the other hand, acknowledging the contradictions risks courting redress that also threatens their minority rule. Due to the imperative to mystify these contradictions, social problems are subsequently treated as anomalies or otherwise externalized; they can never be features of the capitalist political economy itself. Misinformation is a common by-product of this externalization as the capitalist ruling class uses it to weld together pacts and alliances that preserve the social hierarchy. The chapter outlines the broad argumentation offered by securocrats, reactionaries and technologists on Russia-gate. It takes a look at the proof put forward, the ethical reasoning invoked and the emotive appeals employed. It also looks at why these explanations fall short.


Slavic Review ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 630-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Zimmerman

There are two basic and conflicting views among scholars about the malleability of political culture—a group or nation's basic orientations to politics. By one account, culture is a relatively stable, ethnically or spatially specific predictor variable that shapes a nation's political institutions. In Russian studies, this is an approach that has emphasized the connection between the Russian autocratic past and the similarities between tsarist and bolshevik political institutions. Those attracted by this assessment of political culture are prone to think a statist, authoritarian political economy in Russia will be a constant regardless of the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991. The other approach views political culture as being more malleable. It has two variants. One snares with the first approach the assumption that culture is a predictor variable, but emphasizes the effects of secular changes in education and changes in work experience on the distribution of attitudes in a society.


Author(s):  
Emilios Christodoulidis ◽  
Johan van der Walt

This chapter traces the tradition of critical theory in Europe in the way it has informed and framed legal thought. A key, and distinctive, element of this legal tradition is that it characteristically connects to the state as constitutive reference; in other words it understands the institution of law as that which organizes and mediates the relation of the state to civil society. The other constitutive reference is political economy, a reference that typically grounds this tradition of thinking about the law in the materiality of the practices of social production and reproduction. It is in these connections, of the institution of law to the domains of the state and of the political economy, that critical legal theory locates the function of law, and the emancipatory potentially it affords on the one hand, and the obstacles to emancipation it imposes, on the other.


1982 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-333
Author(s):  
James F. Vivian

The Right Reverend Monsignor William T. Russell, pastor of Saint Patrick's Church in Washington, D.C., since 1908 and reputedly one of the finest preachers in the country, agreed to an unusual interview during the spring of 1912. Five other clergy, including a rabbi, likewise participated in separate sessions with the same Protestant minister. The resulting six semiautobiographical accounts appeared as a weekly series in Collier's magazine at midyear. Unlike the companion pieces, however, the article devoted to Msgr. Russell appeared at a particularly timely moment. On the one hand, the Pan-American Thanksgiving Day celebration, although just three years old, seemed well on the way toward becoming an annual observance that neither the president of the United States nor the Latin American diplomatic contingent could slight idly. Yet, on the other hand, the article heralded a major Protestant protest that would call the entire basis of the celebration into public and even political question. Upon assuming the presidency in 1913, an unsuspecting Woodrow Wilson would find himself inadvertently drawn into an interdenominational dispute over the special Catholic service. Embarrassed to the point of privately admitting a clumsy mistake, Wilson eventually yielded to the critics and finally withdrew his support from an implied experiment in the cultural extension of a famous holiday.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document