scholarly journals Women’s rights in Pakistan: A study of religious and alternate discourses regarding women’s participation in politics

Author(s):  
Ishaq Ahmad ◽  
Shahida Aman

This study aims to evaluate the religious and the alternate discourses on women’s political rights in Pakistan; such debates were heightened and intensified as a result of General Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization vision and policies implemented between 1977 to 1988. Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization is argued to have polarized women’s participation in politics and challenged the standing of feminist groups, Islamic feminists, and secularists, which made Islam and women’s political participation the subject of debates that are still relevant in the case of Pakistan. The paper argues that Pakistani state’s Islamic disposition in general and Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization in particular provoked religious conservatism and promoted gender-based discrimination that deeply affected women’s political participation. This study seeks to reconcile the different perspectives of Islamic and secular feminism for realizing the goals of effective participation of women in politics. The paper uses a qualitative research method concentrating on thematic analysis, which employs for identifying and analyzing patterns or themes within qualitative data analysis approaches. The findings suggest that in the case of women rights, Islamic feminism and secular feminism are compatible and complementary, and a synthesis of both is imperative to realize the effective participation of women in politics.

MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


2019 ◽  
pp. 298-329
Author(s):  
Shirin M. Rai ◽  
Carole Spary

This chapter addresses the questions of why women stay on in politics and why they leave it. It examines the issue of sustainability of political participation—something that is rarely focused on in the studies in representative politics. It explores the party’s support of women’s parliamentary careers by examining the re-nomination and re-election of incumbent women members of Parliament over successive parliamentary terms. It shows that pressures of work, the conditions of work, the levels of political and the institutional support available to women members by political parties and Parliament, the pressures of expectation of constituencies, travel, and life–work balance all contribute to the sustainable participation of women in Parliament. It concludes that the sustainability of women’s participation in parliamentary politics is very largely affected by party, institutional, and leadership norms, and suggests that treating the Parliament as a place of work can open up avenues for gender-based reform.


2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (07) ◽  
pp. 163-186
Author(s):  
Bushra Salman Hussain AL-OBAIDI

The protection of women's political participation is a fundamental issue for the advancement of women around the world and for the advancement of all mankind, according to what was stated in the Beijing Declaration. The international community believes that women are affected, just like any man, by the challenges facing humanity in the twenty-first century, whether with regard to development. Economic and social, or with regard to peace and security, but that women are often the most affected by these challenges and therefore must participate in decision-making processes in all areas with equal force and the same numbers. There is no policy more important than the political empowerment of women in preventing the outbreak of conflicts or in achieving reconciliation after the end of the conflict. With the increasing political participation of women, they still represent a small percentage in the higher and leadership ranks, which help in influencing the process of enacting laws and legislation in favor of women and their equality in society.In spite of Iraq’s commitment to international conventions that guarantee women's political rights, women have not formed an effective force in parliament or political parties and are still absent from leadership positions in the country in spite the emphasis on their participation, on an equal footing with men due to security, political, social and economic threats. Its Rise to the ranks of crimes, it is a serious obstacle to their political participation, criminal protection for women's political participation and its impact on their human rights. For women's political participation and its impact on their human rights. Research objectives/promote women's political participation by securing an effective criminal policy against threats to their political participation and activating the implementation of legal texts that criminalize these threats, as well as enacting penal texts to criminalize other acts that do not find criminal coverage for them within the legislation in force, which in turn will constitute protection for women in The scope of their exercise of their political rights, as well as deterring the perpetrators of these threats or those who are begging to commit them. The introductory plan/includes an introduction, and an investigation that deals with studying the nature of political participation of women and their criminal protection and definition, their characteristics and conditions, as well as the forms of crimes that are electoral crimes and their clarification of their position in the laws in force of what is covered by these laws, as well as an explanation of what are actually electoral crimes but need legislative cover. Then we conclude the research with our findings and recommendations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Samira Esmaeili

This article discusses the position of women in Iranian political life, enhancing the role of Iranian women policy, the story of their political struggle for the rightful place and role in the country’s political arena, as well as the results achieved by women in public organizations of Iran. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, based on the legitimacy of women’ rights and political participation, the rules and laws in Iran have been reviewed and changes have been made in respect of political rights and participation in the government of this gender group. The article deals with the problem of political participation of women in contemporary Iran, as well as the issue of enhancing their role in the parliament as one of the most important political institutions of the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-54
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Kiplimo ◽  
Hellen Amunga

The most recent studies on women’s political participation demonstrate that women are consistently denied adequate space and a level playing field to participate in politics and governance, especially in many global south countries, unlike their male counterparts. These studies’ most dominant claim is that these contexts’ patriarchal cultural norms mainly limit women’s central involvement in such nations’ political processes. Based on this impediment system, it follows that these environments become more unpropitious, hostile, and insecure for women in politics, which opens up and perpetuates possibilities for all manner of harm to them. Because of such threats, several scholars, religious leaders, and women activists decry the underrepresentation of women in politics, which in their understanding, has contributed to prolonged systemic discrimination through a legacy of insufficient woman-centric legislation and policy interventions. There is a consensus-based claim among the majority of these actors that this kind of inadequacy continues unabated due to a siloed thinking that inhibits a joined-up approach in tackling such discrimination. This paper seeks to further explore this claim through a broad stroke integrated review of literature that deals with women’s political participation in Kenya, where the concept of traditional gender role beliefs provides a vital backdrop for conducting it. Based on this concept’s valuable terms of reference, it is concluded that women need to be accorded a more enabling environment to participate in politics and, in this way, ensure that their ascension to leadership positions in governance becomes tenable. It is anticipated that such an assumption will increase legislation, policy and other interventions geared towards safeguarding women’s general participation in politics. In light of such conclusion, it is proposed that groundswell support is needed to ensure that the creation of a conducive environment for women to be involved in politics is realized, and in this way, their disenfranchisement based on their limited participation in politics is tackled. 


Author(s):  
Tayo O. George ◽  
Christiana Adetunde ◽  
Oluwakemi Ijagbemi ◽  
Mercy Udume

In spite of the fact that women constitute over 50% of the registered voters in the country and are actively involved in political rallies and election campaigns, they are grossly underrepresented in elective and leadership positions in political parties and other sectors of the nation’s economy. The paper examines the historical antecedents of women in politics. It identifies women’s participation and contributions to Nigeria’s political and democratic process between 1999 and 2015 with a view to identifying the major challenges and possible means of overcoming the issues. Relying mainly on secondary sources of data, the paper engages archival review of existing gender policies and their roles in promoting women’s political participation or otherwise. The paper concludes that with greater awareness, enabling environment, better political commitment and policies, women’s political participation in Nigeria will improve markedly.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Fajri Chairawati ◽  
◽  

The model of political empowerment in building women's awareness of their political rights has been carried out in various places, but the application of the model of women's political empowerment in the conflict areas has not yet been maximized. This is due to the tradition of political education among women in the conflict has not been implemented. Cultural faktor that do not involve women's participation in the political aspect continue to this day, at least in Aceh. This study is an academic response to a number of phenomena that limit the involvement of women in filling seats in the legislature, both in the Regency and Province. This qualitative based on 5 informants to find information about women's political participation through observation, interviews and participants. Based on the field study, it was found that 20 women who fail to be members of the legislature because do not understanding the political procedures in accordance with the regulations in the conflict area. No special academic participation has been found in empowering women's politics. Not yet found the participation of ulama in empowering women's politics in conflict areas, especially Aceh. According to the author's analysis, this is an important skill to increase women's political awareness in conflict areas. The results of this study can be used by all parties who are interested in increasing women's political participation in conflict areas.


Author(s):  
Ruth Rubio-Marín

This chapter explores how human rights law has contributed to the shift towards participatory gender equality by legitimating the adoption of quotas and parity mechanisms to ensure women’s equal participation in decision-making. Since the adoption of CEDAW, human rights law has moved away from formal equality notions that simply affirm women’s equal political rights. Instead, we see growing endorsement of substantive equality doctrines that validate the adoption of gender quotas, initially as temporary special measures to ensure women equal opportunities, and, more recently, as permanent measures targeting the gender-balanced composition of an ever-expanding range of public and private governance bodies. The chapter explores how human rights law connects this participatory turn to issues of pluralism, calling attention to the need for public bodies to represent the full diversity of the population, and calling on state parties to increase the participation of women from ethnic minorities, indigenous groups, and religious minorities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-701 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Ballington

Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is a human rights violation, as it prevents the realization of political rights. Violence against women in political and public life can be understood as “any act or threat of gender-based violence, resulting in physical, sexual, psychological harm or suffering to women, that prevents them from exercising and realizing their political rights, whether in public or private spaces, including the right to vote and hold public office, to vote in secret and to freely campaign, to associate and assemble, and to enjoy freedom of opinion and expression” (UN Women/UNDP 2017, 20).


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (5) ◽  
pp. 843-860
Author(s):  
Itziar Mujika Chao

AbstractThis article analyzes women’s socio-political participation and activism within the nonviolent civil resistance movement in prewar Kosovo between 1989 and 1997, as well as the movement’s gender dynamics. This Albanian-led resistance movement emerged during the early 1990s with the principal goal of building a parallel state, seeking independence from Serbia, and offering means of survival for the population. This project required the participation of all Albanian citizens, and although the participation of women was massive, this has gone largely unrecognized. This article will explore the principal features of women’s participation and activism within this movement, what kind of gendered dynamics were developed, and the principal forms of resistance they encountered against their full and active participation through an analysis of women’s activism both within the Women’s Forum of the Democratic League of Kosovo and within independent women’s organizations.


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