scholarly journals Impediments to public consultations in the Polish local self-government

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-80
Author(s):  
Marcin Pomaranski

The aim of this paper is a comparative analysis of legislative solutions and practical application of the public consultations in the Polish local government after 1989. The legal changes that occurred during this period have guaranteed Polish citizens the tool to direct exercising the political power. Unfortunately, the lack of legislative precision in the use of mechanisms of civic participation in Poland is characteristic of public consultation. Despite the fact that this solution has been used by public administration since the political-system transformation and the passing of the Act on Gmina Self-Government of 1990, and that in 1997 the consultations as a form of the exercise of power by the citizens were also established in the Constitution, for the first two decades there was a fairly great freedom of interpretation in holding them, which the local self-government authorities widely used. Positive changes in the practice of using the mechanisms of public consultation in Poland, including the formulation of the widely accepted set of guidelines and practical advice concerning the manner of implementing these mechanisms, began to take place only in the last four to five years. Main thesis of the paper is the opinion that public consultations in the example of the Polish self-government despite nearly three decades of legislative and political experiences are still not an effective tool of direct democracy, but only a bureaucratic facade.

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (6-7) ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
T. M. Tarasenko

The Article discloses the essence of the problem concerning the delimitation of the political and criminal responsibility for the further development of the public administration. It has been revealed that differences in the development processes of relations in the matter of the political responsibility are disclosed in terms of the quality of democracy, as well as redistribution of the responsibility between the central, regional and local levels of the administration. In different countries, it finds various manifestations: failure to comply with standards of democracy and abusing the criminal responsibility; attempts to avoid the criminal prosecution for the abuse of power being limited to the political responsibility; raising the level of the responsibility, in particular, criminal one, at the subnational level of the power organization. In the broad sense, all the manifestations confirm the conclusion on the «responsibility crisis» aggravation in the conditions of the democratic system of values. The growing importance of the political responsibility in the representative democracy and development of the regional and local democracy are substantiated. It is noted that the principles of the political and legal system of the state should create the basis for the separation of the political and criminal responsibility. First of all, this refers to the Constitution, which is a form of the contract between the state and society; such capacity of the Constitution demonstrates the functioning and maturity of democracy, and respect for the law in the state. The issue of punishment for political mistakes or divergences should be regulated, to a large extent, by procedures of the political accountability. The important task in this regard is to ensure the clear regulation of the accountability procedures of power entities for their activities. There is a need in clarification of the criminal legislation categories, such as «abuse of power», «abuse of office», and «abuse of authorities». Filling them with a clearer content can be done on the basis of clarifying certain criteria (for example, intention, negligence, personal benefit, etc.). The emphasis is made to the importance of realizing the fact that the practice of transition to the judicial examination of cases to be heard within the limits of the political responsibility leads, in particular, to decreasing the role of citizens in the expression of no-confidence against authorities when assessing their activities. Moving away from the idea of considering the political responsibility based on the assessment of voters and population leads to its «lock-in» on the responsibility of public power authorities with respect to each other, which threatens to deepen the irresponsibility and to enhance the leveling of people’s sovereignty.It is noted that the crisis of the responsibility has various risks for democracy at different levels of the public administration. For the Ukrainian practice, they are, in particular, linked with the containment of the process of introducing the representative and direct democracy standards. For countries with long-standing traditions of the democracy governance, it finds expression in the certain limitation of the democratic system as for finding adequate responses to meet the current challenges faced by society in the process of implementing the public authority.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
C Rinaldi ◽  
M P M Bekker

Abstract Background The political system is an important influencing factor for population health but is often neglected in the public health literature. This scoping review uses insights from political science to explore the possible public health consequences of the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Europe, with welfare state policy as a proxy. The aim is to generate hypotheses about the relationship between the PRR, political systems and public health. Methods A literature search on PubMed, ScienceDirect and Google Scholar resulted in 110 original research articles addressing 1) the relationship between the political system and welfare state policy/population health outcomes or 2) the relationship between PRR parties and welfare state policy/population health outcomes in Europe. Results The influence of political parties on population health seems to be mediated by welfare state policies. Early symptoms point towards possible negative effects of the PRR on public health, by taking a welfare chauvinist position. Despite limited literature, there are preliminary indications that the effect of PRR parties on health and welfare policy depends on vote-seeking or office-seeking strategies and may be mediated by the political system in which they act. Compromises with coalition partners, electoral institutions and the type of healthcare system can either restrain or exacerbate the effects of the PRR policy agenda. EU laws and regulations can to some extent restrict the nativist policy agenda of PRR parties. Conclusions The relationship between the PRR and welfare state policy seems to be mediated by the political system, meaning that the public health consequences will differ by country. Considering the increased popularity of populist parties in Europe and the possibly harmful consequences for public health, there is a need for further research on the link between the PRR and public health.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Nikolay P.  Martynenko

The ideas of early Confucianism regarding the art of public administration in the most general form can be reduced to the synthesis of ethics and aesthetics in the demand to transform for the better the morals of disciples, rulers, and people in general. This view was reflected in the development in Confucianism of the specific system of education and transformation of morals, in which an important role was ascribed to studying the poetic art, rites and rituals, to the guidance in benevolent and respectful relations between people and mutual help, while special emphasis was made on the comprehension of musical art. The basic stability of the political system was supposed to be based on morals and relations between people. Achievement in the field of education of the members of society was attained through the active involvement of ethical and aesthetic principles, the synthesis of which was required to create the best system of public administration. Confucians` notions of establishing an optimal system of administration through education based on the study of rituals and rites, poetic art and music had a significant impact on the evolution of Chinese culture and civilization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 244-265
Author(s):  
Emily C. Skarbek

AbstractFiscal equivalence in the public administration of justice requires local police and courts to be financed exclusively by the populations that benefit from their services. Within a polycentric framework, broad based taxation to achieve fiscal equivalence is a desirable principle of public finance because it conceptually allows for the provision of justice to be determined by constituent’s preferences, and increases the political accountability of service providers to constituents. However, the overproduction of justice services can readily occur when the benefits of the justice system are not enjoyed equally. Paradoxically, the same properties that make fiscal equivalence desirable by imposing restraint and control between constituents and local government also create internal pressures for agents of the state to engage in predatory, revenue-generating behavior.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


2020 ◽  
pp. 140-150
Author(s):  
В. О. Кінзбурська

In the article the author defines the list of administrative procedures of interaction of state bodies with the public, which includes the procedures that arise in connection with: 1) public consultations (organization and conduct of public discussions of regulations); 2) the study of public opinion; 3) involvement of the public in the work of commissions established under public authorities; 4) exercising public control and supervision; 5) carrying out information activities of state bodies (publication of public information about the work of state bodies, providing answers to public requests for information); 6) activities of public councils in terms of interaction with state bodies (conducting public consultations, conducting public monitoring, holding meetings of the public council and making decisions of a recommendatory nature); 7) submission of appeals and requests for information (application of administrative procedures). The author analyzes some administrative procedures of interaction of state bodies with the public, namely: conducting public consultations and studying public opinion. The key features of the administrative procedure of public consultations are identified, which include: its dual form of implementation, as such consultations can be carried out both in person and via the Internet; availability of mandatory and optional stages; close connection with other administrative procedure related to the implementation of information activities of public authorities; obligatory documentation of the result in the form of a report, and in case of a face-to-face consultation with the public, also a protocol; the possibility of initiating this procedure by both entities government agencies and civil society institutions. It is noted that the administrative procedure for the study of public opinion is similar to the general administrative procedure for public consultation, but has its differences, in particular: it is initiated exclusively by state bodies (executive authorities); has no optional stages; provides for competitive selection among the subjects of public opinion polls, ie in fact it is a different administrative procedure for competitive selection; does not require logging, and the main document for the implementation of such a procedure is a report.


Author(s):  
POLLY LOW

This chapter discusses one of the best-known instances of classical commemoration: the public funeral and collective burial and commemoration of the Athenian war dead. Its particular aim is to explore the various contexts in which Athenian practice might be understood. How do these monuments fit into the wider picture of Athenian burial and commemoration, in terms of both form and physical location? How do they relate to the political system and ideology of the city that created them? And how might these contexts shape the way in which the monuments were used and understood by contemporary and later viewers?


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


Author(s):  
Richard Huff ◽  
Cynthia Cors ◽  
Jinzhou Song ◽  
Yali Pang

The work of David John Farmer has been recognized as critical to the Public Policy and Administration canon. Its impact has been far-reaching both geographically because of its international application and theoretically because of the vast array of public administration challenges it can help resolve. This paper uses the concepts of rhizomatic thinking and reflexive interpretation to describe Farmerʼs work. And because a critical piece of Farmerʼs work is a bridging of the gap between theory and practice, it formally introduces Farmerʼs research approach as Farmerʼs Method. This article is intended to serve as a useful tool for students, practitioners, and theorists in understanding the vast contributions of David John Farmer and the practical application of his work.


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