The concept of Russia's foreign policy in terms of the legal provision of the national interests of the Russian Federation

Author(s):  
Magomedsaid Abdulmuslimovich Ismayilov ◽  
Said-Magomed Islamovich Musayev
Author(s):  
Grigorii Aleksandrovich Maistrenko

National security issues are crucial, multifaceted, and integral phenomena of social and political life of the country. This article explores the normative legal framework that regulates this sphere of social relations. The article presents an analysis of the features of legal support for national security as a problem of stabilizing society. Analysis is conducted on the peculiarities of legal support of national security as the problem of stabilization of society. The author notes that the national security policy, first and foremost should be aimed at ensuring geopolitical interests of the Russian Federation, its sovereignty, political stability, and progressive socioeconomic development. Research methodology employs complex and systemic approaches; systemic, functional, historical general scientific methods; analysis and synthesis as private scientific methods; formal-legal analysis of normative legal acts; and comparative legal method. It is claimed that in the sphere of domestic policy, the key prerequisite for achieving the protection of national interests should consists in unification of the nation in order to solve spiritual, cultural and material tasks due to the overall sustainability and consent in the country, nonviolent resolution of domestic social conflicts; while in the sphere of foreign policy – planning and implementation of foreign policy actions from the perspective of ensuring national interests. The author gives practical recommendations for further improvement of national security system of the Russian Federation.


Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhabskiy ◽  
Aleksander Shuvalov

In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanticism» has not proved itself. In the late 1990s, a shift began to a course of «multi-vector» foreign policy, implying a multipolar system of international relations. Moreover, at the end of the twentieth century, the Russian Federation faced growing threats from the United States and the countries that make up the military-political bloc of NATO, which necessitated a rethinking of priorities and possibilities for ensuring the protection of Russia’s national interests and security, and the development and adoption of new doctrines and concepts on the subject. This article thus deals with the process of establishing State priorities on the basis of the principle of protecting the national interests and safeguarding the national security of the Russian Federation during the period 1999-2007.


Author(s):  
Viktor V. Nikitin ◽  

ased on archival documents from the Embassy of the Slovak Republic in Moscow, which are being introduced into scholarly use for the first time, this essay discusses the two basic approaches of Slovak diplomats to Russian foreign policy. The first approach, utilised during the era of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Andrei V. Kozyrev, was described by Slovak representatives in Russia criticising its pro-Western policy that they said did not meet Russian national interests, but was then being pursued by the then top of the Russian Foreign Ministry. They saw the main problems of Russian diplomacy as being the deterioration of the socio-economic situation of the population of the Russian Federation on the one hand, and Kozyrev's emphasis on “strategic partnership” with the United States on the other, which gave rise to growing anti-American sentiments both among the political elite and the Russian electorate. This led, in particular, to a situation where even the most important bilateral agreements between Russia and the United States were perceived by the deputies of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation as a betrayal of Russian national interests. The second approach, which appeared in Slovak diplomatic reports under the next head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Evgeny M. Primakov, was characterised by, after modifying both their rhetoric and approach to foreign policy, criticism of the minister, which resulted in an attempt by Western countries, especially the United States, to have him removed from his post. This is because Slovakia did not need even a hint of a conflict between Russia and the West, since both the Western and the post-Soviet spaces became the most important and, in a sense, even irreplaceable areas of Slovak foreign policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-47
Author(s):  
Roman Tatarov

The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the process of state building in Pridnestrovie based on the identification of the Pridnestrovian people. The issues of acquiring the mechanism of legitimacy of the Pridnestrovian state are considered, as well as tools for ensuring the Pridnestrovian choice in the realities of the XX-XXI centuries are presented. The analysis widely uses the historical method and systematic approach, which form an understanding of the degree of Russia’s involvement in regional processes, as well as the place of the foreign policy choice of the people of Pridnestrovie in the structure of Russian interests and the opinion of the citizens of the Russian Federation about the Pridnestrovian settlement. The author highlights the historical milestones in the formation of the Pridnestrovian identification code, comes to the conclusion that there is a significant difference in the content of the Moldovan foreign policy from the Pridnestrovian on this basis. Based on the data presented at the republican referendums in Pridnestrovie, as well as on the basis of the results of sociological surveys conducted on the territory of Pridnestrovie and on the territory of the Russian Federation, the peculiarities of the choice of Pridnestrovie are revealed, the opinion of Russians regarding the fate of Pridnestrovie is reflected. In addition, the official position of Russia on the Pridnestrovie settlement is indicated, which at present cannot be called strictly formed. It is shown that, being at the fork in the next cycle of the space-time continuum, the basis of the Pridnestrovian choice was the historical heritage of the republic, as well as the position of the Russian Federation on the settlement of Moldovan-Pridnestrovian relations. The hypothesis about the continuously growing role of Russia in the fate of Pridnestrovie, as well as the significant importance of Pridnestrovie for Russia, filled with historical, geopolitical and cultural content, was confirmed. The conclusion is made about an increase in the demand for protection of the national interests of Russia in certain segments of Russian public opinion.


Author(s):  
Jarosław Sadłocha

The category of a national interest is one of the most popular notions used in international relations. It has a polysemic character and is differently interpreted by various scientific perspectives. The purpose of this article is to provide a brief analysis of selected approaches of the theory of international relations to defining interests and correlating the interpretations of national interests of the Russian Federation performed on their bases. The choice of case study concerning the foreign policy of the Russian Federation is not accidental because in countries aspiring to gain world power the concept of national interest is raised while explaining the motives of decisions taken by their leaders exceptionally often. In this article, Russia’s interests will be discussed in reference to the annexation of the Crimea and Russia’s actions towards Ukraine. Those events vividly show the specificity of defining the national interests, based on one hand on the pursue to being a powerhouse and understanding the interests in the category of power and, on the other hand, resulting from the political identity of Russian elites. As a result, an assessment of the scientific utility of selected theoretical paradigms and their use in the analyses of Russia’s foreign policy will be outlined.


Author(s):  
E. Komkova

The management of the Canada–U.S. asymmetry might be defined as rather successful example. After the World War II Canadian and American officials have developed a set of specific bargaining norms, which can be referred to as the “rules of the game”, and “diplomatic culture”. Their existence leads to predictability of relationships, to empathy, and to expectations of “responsible” behavior. The study of the Canada–U.S. model of civilized asymmetrical relationship lays grounds for further investigation on how it can be applied to the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation in its relations with asymmetrical partners from the “near neighbourhood”.


2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.


2020 ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Z. Z. Bahturidze ◽  
D. S. Rachkova

The article is devoted to identifying the current image of Russia in the mirror of the German media after the Ukrainian crisis. The role of the media is noted, the crisis situation in Ukraine is characterized. Analyzed publications in the leading print media of Germany on the topic of Russian foreign policy in Ukraine and the role of the Russian Federation in the political crisis in Ukraine (2013–2014). The authors have identified and identified key approaches in the formation of German society a certain idea of Russia and its foreign policy. As conclusions, it is noted that both for objective reasons, and not least thanks to the German media, which use a lot of negative characteristics when constructing the image of Russia, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany go through a zone of mutual exclusion. However, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany can go to a new level, taking into account the possible pragmatic cooperation of the two states, and provided, among other things, a reduction in the degree of anti-Russian rhetoric in the German media.


2020 ◽  
pp. 227-237
Author(s):  
Valery Zhuravel ◽  

The article is devoted to the 200th anniversary of the discovery of Antarctica under the guidance of 2nd rank captain F. Bellingshausen and lieutenant M. Lazarev. Analyzing the peculiarities of Antarctica, the author notes that this is one of а few regions of our planet, the resources and territory of which are used by various states jointly and exclusively for peaceful purposes for the benefit of science. The article analyzes in detail the celebration of this anniversary in Russia and foreign countries, while paying special attention to the thematic focus of socio-political and scientific events. Considerable attention is paid to the study of the region by Russia and the European States. Interstate cooperation between countries in Antarctica is aimed at finding effective solutions to global problems facing humanity, such as environmental pollution, climate change and its consequences, and the loss of components of biological diversity. It is concluded that despite the fact that Antarctica is traditionally one of the strategic regions for ensuring the national interests and security of our state, the Russian Federation in its state policy in comparison with the Arctic, does not always respond promptly to the existing challenges, does not pay enough attention to improving the research base and living conditions of polar explorers, which negatively affects Russia's positions in Antarctica.


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