scholarly journals How do the Tax Burden and the Fiscal Space in Latin America look like? Evidence through Laffer Curves

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Ignacio Lozano-Espitia ◽  
Fernando Arias-Rodríguez

How much fiscal space do Latin American countries have to increase their tax burdens in the long term? This paper provides an answer through Laffer curves estimates for taxes on labor, capital, and consumption for the six largest emerging economies of the region: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru. Estimates are made using a neoclassical growth model with second-generation human capital and employing data from the national accounts system for the period from 1994 to 2017. Our findings allow us to compare the recent effective tax rates on factor returns against those which would maximize the government's revenues, and therefore to derive the potential tax-related fiscal space. Results suggest that joint fiscal space on labor and capital taxes would reach 6.5% of GDP for the region, on average, and that there are important differences among the countries.

Ekonomika ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-57
Author(s):  
Yilmaz Bayar ◽  
H. Funda Sezgin

Globalization has quickened, especially during the past three decades, due to technological, institutional, legal and political developments in the world. During this process, many countries reduced or removed the barriers on the cross-country flows of goods, services and capital, and the global trade volume increased substantially. Therefore, openness-oriented policies have led many social and economic implications for the national economies. In this regard, this study investigates the interaction among trade openness, poverty alleviation and inequality in 11 Latin American countries by employing a panel data analysis. We revealed that trade openness and financial development affected inequality and poverty negatively in the long term, while inequality affected poverty positively.


2019 ◽  
pp. 59-64
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Stepanov

The article provides the overview of military-technical cooperation (MTC) of theRussian Federationwith Latin American countries, its main trends and impact on bilateral political and economic relations withVenezuela,PeruandBrazil. After the collapse of theUSSR, the supply of domestic arms to the Latin American market declined significantly. In the 2000s,Russiaregained its position in this market. Modern MTC strategies are primarily economic, marketing and political. The development of partnership in the field of military-technical cooperation is of long-term strategic importance, since the purchase of weapons entails the need for cooperation in other areas related to its use.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
William R. Nylen

In the 1980s more and more Latin American countries attempted to address daunting economic problems with variations on the so-called neoliberal theme. While one should have expected governments to implement some form of short-term fiscal and monetary adjustments to address the region's generalised fiscal crisis, it was less inevitable that this neoclassical formula should coincide with a more long-term structural adjustment formula, including such neoliberal (or neo-orthodox) policies as privatisation of State-owned companies, liberalization of tariffs, and reduction of the public sector workforce. As a result of this policy mix, the normal recessionary impact of adjustment intensified. The clamour for protection from that impact, and/or for putting an end to the policies themselves, has also intensified not only from the popular sector (that perennial target of all adjustments), but from the ranks of economic elites as well.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 375-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Contesse

In 2009, as the American Convention on Human Rights turned forty, Left-wing governments ruled in almost all Latin American countries. The democratization wave that began in the late 1980s had produced a seemingly hegemonic turn to the Left—the so-called “Pink Tide.” A decade later, the political landscape was radically different. With only a few exceptions, Right-wing governments are in power throughout Latin America. The implications of the conservative wave have been felt in a number of areas—including human rights. This essay explores the ways in which the new conservative governments of Latin American have tried to curb the inter-American human rights system and examines the potential long-term consequences that their efforts may have on the regional system and the protection of human rights. It then suggests possible avenues for sound engagement between states and the system, observing that the Inter-American Court's expansive case law may cause more harm in the long run.


2009 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 928-950 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xavier Tafunell

Investment in machinery is a key component in the analysis of long-term economic growth during the spread of industrialization. This article offers consistent annual series on the magnitude of machinery imports per capita into all Latin American countries for the period 1890-1930. Analysis of these series shows that machinery imports diverged across countries from 1890 through 1913. After 1913 a number of the more backward countries experienced rapid growth in machinery imports. These large differences in machinery investment contributed to unequal development across the Latin American countries.


1999 ◽  
pp. 69-123
Author(s):  
Santiago Roca ◽  
◽  
Luis Simabuko ◽  

Peru”s recent economic policy, like that of most Latin American countries! has followed the paradigm of the socalled “Washington Consensus”. Such paradigm precludes the implementation of “strategic” industrial policies as well as the active and deliberate construction of competitive advantages through measures that foster certain sectors or activities. “Washington-Consensus” thinkers hold that the “magic of the market” and its indiscriminate opening will allow countries to acquire the necessary long-term external competitiveness, promote economic growth and enhance standards of living, regardless of the country”s productive specialization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Fredy Saravia P. ◽  
Dheybi Cervan Prado

Entre las políticas energéticas ha adquirido creciente importancia la noción de “seguridad energética”, es decir, garantizar la continua disponibilidad de energía, en variadas formas, cantidades y a precios asequibles. El concepto de seguridad energética ha evolucionado desde su única asociación del suministro de petróleo, hasta incorporar conceptos ambientales y sociales relacionados con la energía. En los países de Latinoamérica la seguridad energética no deja de ser un problema, en este contexto, se hace necesario cuantificar la noción de “seguridad energética” y adaptarla a las necesidades nacionales y de ser posible a la realidad Latinoamericana con el fin contar con un modelo que sirva de instrumento para la planificación de políticas energética a largo plazo. En este artículo, se plantea un modelo cuantitativo para obtener un índice de seguridad energética, este modelo es aplicado para los países latinoamericanos cuyos resultados se compara con una investigación similar del Foro Económico Mundial. Palabras clave.- Energía, Seguridad Energética, Seguridad de Suministro, Modelo Estadístico. ABSTRACTBetween energy policy has become increasingly important the notion of "energy security", that is, ensuring the continued availability of energy, in various forms, quantities and at affordable rates. The concept of energy security has evolved from its unique combination of oil supply, to incorporate environmental and social concepts related to energy. In Latin American countries energy security continues to be a matter of national policy, in this context, it is necessary to quantify the concept of "energy security" and adapt to national needs and possibly the Latin American reality in order to have a model to serve as a tool for planning long-term energy policy. In this paper, proposed a quantitative model for an index of energy security, this model are applied for the Latin American countries whose results are compared with similar research of the World Economic Forum. Keywords.- Energy, Energy Security, Security of supply, Statistical Model.


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (316) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Eduardo Ramírez Cedillo ◽  
Francisco López Herrera

<p>Se analiza la relación del crecimiento económico con el gasto público de 16 países latinoamericanos de 1990 a 2017. Este trabajo contribuye a la literatura sobre el tema enfocándose en la región. Los resultados de un modelo para paneles cointegrados respaldan la ley de Wagner en el largo plazo y brindan evidencia parcial a favor de las hipótesis de Keynes en el corto plazo.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p align="center">PUBLIC SPENDING AND GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA:</p><p align="center">WAGNER´S LAW AND KEYNES’S HYPOTHESIS<strong></strong></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p>The relationship between economic growth and public spending in 16 Latin American countries from 1990 to 2017 is analyzed. This paper contributes to the literature on the subject focusing on the region. The results from a model of cointegrated panels support Wagner’s Law in the long term and provides partial evidence in favor of the Keynesian hypotheses in the short term.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricio Domínguez ◽  
Krista Ruffini

Many Latin American countries and cities have substantially lengthened the school day over the past generation. Chile, for example, increased the school day by 30 percent between 1997 and 2010. While evidence on lengthening these additional instructional resources points to positive effects in the short term, we know little about whether these reforms affect students long-term economic outcomes once they enter the labor market. This project finds longer elementary and secondary school days substantially improve economic well-being by increasing educational attainment, delaying childbearing, and increasing earnings in young adulthood.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Julián Cárdenas

Although the cohesion of business elites has been associated with income concentration and regressive policies, few studies have investigated in depth the role of business elite networks in macrosocial issues such as redistributive social policies. This research explores the relationship between business elite networks and redistributive social policies in several Latin American countries. To do so, this paper (1) examines business elite networks applying a network analysis of interlocking directorates, and (2) performs a cross-national comparative analysis of the cohesiveness of business elite networks, coverage and incidence of social protection and labor programs, and other variables. Results show that where business elites formed cohesive networks, social protection and labor programs were more inclusive. In conjunction with other factors, business cohesion plays a crucial role in business elites’ acceptance of redistributive social policies because it enables long-term cost-sharing agreements, reduces uncertainty and internal divergent interests, and facilitates inducement.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document