Back to the Future: Michael Howard Becomes Conservative Party Leader

Significance As many as a dozen lockdown parties are now alleged to have been held at Downing Street, significantly damaging Johnson’s support among the public and his Conservative Party. His position as party leader and prime minister is gravely threatened. Impacts Johnson’s domestic troubles, coupled with rising economic concerns, increase the chance of an agreement with the EU over Northern Ireland. Disillusionment with Johnson, opposition to net-zero and culture wars open the door for Nigel Farage’s Reform Party to revive its appeal. Rising inflation threatens to undermine consumer confidence and slow the economic recovery over the coming year.


Author(s):  
Gerry Hassan

Scottish nationalism and Scottish Tory unionism are generally accepted as two irreconcilable forces. This chapter by Gerry Hassan argues that while this might be how both movements wish to see themselves, the reality is more nuanced. It argues that for much of Scotland’s existence as part of the Union, these supposedly opposing forces have actually coalesced in what has been called ‘unionist-nationalism’, a politics of autonomy and distinctiveness within the union. Hassan’s chapter further explores the limitations of this bifurcation of Scottish politics, as well as the shortcomings of the politics it articulates in the context of Ruth Davidson’s eight-year tenure as Scottish Conservative Party leader. It assesses how her leadership was perceived in this framework and what the party’s future prospects might be.


2021 ◽  
pp. 119-154
Author(s):  
David Thackeray ◽  
Richard Toye

While the 1964 election marked a high point in confidence in state-led modernization, by the 1970s there was a widespread loss of faith in the ability of governments to deliver on their promises. Long-term planning was replaced by short-term crisis management. The Scottish and Welsh nationalists and the Liberal Party created the authority of the Westminster duopoly, reinvigorating the local campaign with their ‘pavement politics’. However, the New Right was the main beneficiary of this crisis. As Conservative Party leader from 1975, Margaret Thatcher believed that politics had been debased by parties competing for power by making promises of state expansion and greater public spending which were unrealistic and led to poor outcomes. Thatcher based the Conservatives’ 1979 manifesto around a small number of pledges, reviving the anti-promise rhetoric which had been key to Baldwin’s appeal in the 1920s and 1930s.


Paranoia ◽  
2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Freeman ◽  
Jason Freeman

This cri de coeur appeared on the front page of the Sun, Britain’s top-selling newspaper, on 21 January 2008. The previous week had seen the conviction of the killers of 47-year-old Garry Newlove. Late on the night of 10 August 2007, Newlove had heard noises outside his home in Warrington, a Lancashire town previously best-remembered for being the unlikely target of two IRA bombs in 1993. He confronted a gang of drunken teenagers, who promptly punched and kicked him to death. The outraged lament on the Sun’s front page was in fact quoted from a letter to the paper from one Dr Stuart Newton, a former head teacher. And forming a melancholy border around his words were the faces of fifteen high-profile murder victims. The message was unmistakable, conveyed with the newspaper’s usual clarity: the country is going to the dogs; the streets are not safe for respectable folk to walk; our youth is out of control. ‘In parts of our country there is social breakdown. Society stops at the front door of our house and the streets have been lost and we’ve got to reclaim them’, agreed Conservative Party leader David Cameron. And the Home Secretary, Jacqui Smith, confessed that she felt uncomfortable walking in London after dark (her words, explained an official, ‘hadn’t come out as she had intended’ and, by way of proof, Ms Smith had recently gone so far as to purchase a kebab on the inner-city streets of Peckham). But where, you might wonder, is the news in all this? The reference to ‘feral youths’ is distinctively contemporary (rampaging teenagers being, as it were, one of the foul flavours of our day). But has there ever been a time when newspapers—and perhaps indeed the rest of us too—haven’t been decrying the ‘downward spiral of Britain’? The fact that one of the faces staring out from the Sun’s front page is that of Stephen Lawrence, stabbed to death in a racist attack in south London in April 1993—fifteen years ago—can be read as a discreet allusion to the timelessness of this nostalgia for a better, safer world.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Gidengil ◽  
André Blais ◽  
Joanna Everitt ◽  
Patrick Fournier ◽  
Neil Nevitte

Abstract. This paper uses data from the 2004 Canadian Election Study to analyze the factors that motivated a vote for each party and to identify the ones that mattered most to the outcome of the 2004 federal election outside Quebec. Particular attention is given to the impact of the sponsorship scandal, the sources of support for the new Conservative party and the factors that explain the NDP's improved performance. The findings are used to address some basic questions about the 2004 election and its larger implications.Résumé. L'article utilise les données de L'Étude électorale canadienne de 2004 pour identifier les principaux facteurs qui ont motivé l'appui aux différents partis et pour jauger leur impact sur le résultat de l'élection à l'extérieur du Québec. Les auteurs accordent une attention particulière aux effets du scandale des commandites, aux sources de l'appui au nouveau Parti conservateur et aux raisons sous-jacentes des gains du NPD. Les résultats permettent de répondre à un certain nombre de questions sur le sens et la portée de l'élection.


Author(s):  
Louis Talay

Abstract It has been argued that far-right populist parties (FRPP) distinguish themselves from other parties on the right of the political spectrum through their strong association with nationalism, anti-elitism, authoritarianism and historical mythologizing. These features typically manifest in discourse that attempts to justify exclusionist immigration and asylum policies by presenting Islam as an existential threat to predominantly white societies. This paper seeks to establish whether a conservative party that has never been considered populist could possess the same features as an FRPP by comparing three selected discursive texts – one from mainstream conservative party leader John Howard and two from prominent European FRPP leaders. The analysis revealed that the key difference between the three leaders was Howard’s failure to satisfy the authoritarianism criterion, which was interpreted as a decisive factor in his party’s moderate guise. This suggests that some mainstream parties may be more ideologically extremist than they are perceived to be.


Author(s):  
Gillian Peele ◽  
John Francis

The conclusion evaluates the success of Cameron’s strategy of Conservative Party renewal. It argues that although the ambitious vision of Conservative modernisation was attenuated with time and the pressure of external events, some significant progress was made towards the broader goal of Party renewal. Even if the Conservative Party did not reconstruct radically its philosophy and policies, it did take steps towards a more socially liberal synthesis and did successfully diversify its candidates to present an image relevant to the twenty first century. It also re-established some of credibility as a Party with governmental competence and in 2010 and 2015 improved its electoral outreach. How long-lasting these achievements will prove is unclear. Labour’s move left under Corbyn and the weakened state of the Liberal Democrats offer Cameron space in the short-term at least to build further electoral advantage. But the EU referendum poses a renewed threat to party unity. Cameron’s period as Party leader saw some major accomplishments for a Party that had long been in the wilderness. Whether those accomplishments can be sustained will depend on how well the Conservative leadership handles divisive issues, especially the outcome of the referendum but also migration and Scotland, and on how far the Party can project a persuasive appeal into the next electoral cycle.


1959 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 300-322
Author(s):  
M. A. Fitzsimons

InTheSummer of 1958 the Gallup poll revealed that for the first time since 1955 a small majority of the British electorate favored the Conservative party. The narrowness of the margin made it dangerous for the Conservatives to call for a new election. But an election will take place within a year. The Conservatives are hopeful of another victory — a third successive victory over the Labour party, to cap their feat, unprecedented with the modern electorate, of increasing the parliamentary membership of the Government party in 1955. The Labour party, however, has been duly warned and has already rallied to cover its divisions, banishing them temporarily to the unconscious perhaps only to produce political neuroses in the future.


2015 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-13
Author(s):  
Jeremy Hunt

With the NHS set to be a key battleground in the looming election, Jeremy Hunt speaks exclusively to the Bulletin to outline the Conservative Party vision for the NHS.


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