Warriors and Colonial Wars in Muslim Philippines Since 1800

Author(s):  
Mesrob Vartavarian

This chapter examines Muslim interactions with colonial and postcolonial Philippine states during protracted armed conflicts. Spanish, American and Christian Philippine state agents attempted to place Muslim peoples into frameworks that fit their respective colonial imaginaries. On encountering resistance, these imaginaries were set in motion and modified in ways that allowed Muslim elites and subalterns to obtain the resources necessary to advance their particular interests. Rather than viewing colonial wars in the Muslim zone as a continuous process of conquest and resistance, I shall show how different Muslim groups attempted to manoeuvre onto the right side of colonial violence. This chapter also places Philippine Muslim war bands in a comparative global context, drawing analogies with nineteenth-century raider polities in the American Southwest, the ‘martial races’ of British India, Palestinian resistance to Zionist settlement and warlord politics in contemporary Afghanistan.

2021 ◽  
pp. 416-436
Author(s):  
Kim A. Wagner

Often falling short of its putative aims, subaltern resistance has throughout history played a significant role in shaping the political landscape of states and empires. This chapter examines some of the more recent developments, as well as criticisms, of the broader study of subaltern resistance and rebellion within a global context. The empirical case studies are drawn primarily from the European imperial expansion during the long nineteenth century, and from British India in particular, and the discussion focusses on three central themes: violence, rumors, and religion. Considering the centrality of historiographical debates on the key concepts of “resistance” and “subalternity,” the discussion is framed by a critical reading of the work of Ranajit Guha and his classic 1983 book, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bahar Gürsel

AbstractThe second half of the nineteenth century was a significant era for both the United States and the Kingdom of Italy during which both countries commenced to seek new ways of expansion. The United States, which was economically much stronger and technologically more developed, declared its rising hegemony by the end of the nineteenth century. Italy, which lacked the economic and social resources that the United States possessed, strived to become a colonial power until the first decades of the twentieth century. This review of some of the Italian primary sources about the Spanish-American War clarifies noteworthy aspects of imperialism–both American and Italian–within that global context.


Author(s):  
Liubomyr Ilyn

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the views of social and political thinkers of Galicia in the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. on the right and manner of organizing a nation-state as a cathedral. Method. The methodology includes a set of general scientific, special legal, special historical and philosophical methods of scientific knowledge, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic and comprehensive. The problem-chronological approach made it possible to identify the main stages of the evolution of the content of the idea of catholicity in Galicia's legal thought of the 19th century. Results. It is established that the idea of catholicity, which was borrowed from church terminology, during the nineteenth century. acquired clear legal and philosophical features that turned it into an effective principle of achieving state unity and integrity. For the Ukrainian statesmen of the 19th century. the idea of catholicity became fundamental in view of the separation of Ukrainians between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. The idea of unity of Ukrainians of Galicia and the Dnieper region, formulated for the first time by the members of the Russian Trinity, underwent a long evolution and received theoretical reflection in the work of Bachynsky's «Ukraine irredenta». It is established that catholicity should be understood as a legal principle, according to which decisions are made in dialogue, by consensus, and thus able to satisfy the absolute majority of citizens of the state. For Galician Ukrainians, the principle of unity in the nineteenth century. implemented through the prism of «state» and «international» approaches. Scientific novelty. The main stages of formation and development of the idea of catholicity in the views of social and political figures of Halychyna of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries are highlighted in the work. and highlighting the distinctive features of «national statehood» that they promoted and understood as possible in the process of unification of Ukrainian lands into one state. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.


1998 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsay Moir

That humanitarian rules were applicable in armed conflicts was accepted long before the nineteenth century, but the fact that non-international armed conflicts were regarded as beyond the ambit of international regulation meant that the application of such norms to internal armed conflicts was certainly not a matter of course. Towards the end of the eighteenth century there had been a move towards the application of the laws of warfare to non-international armed conflicts as well as international conflicts, but this was based on the character of the conflicts and the fact that both were often of a similar magnitude, rather than any humanitarian concern to treat the victims of both equally. Not until the nineteenth century did the application of the laws of war to non-international armed conflicts become a widespread issue in international law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 365-388
Author(s):  
Pablo Kalmanovitz

Abstract Over the past 25 years, criminal prosecutions for war crimes have become a central element in the long-standing project of governing hostilities in international law. According to many, the threat of criminal prosecutions can be a general deterrent against violations of the laws of war, and can contribute more broadly to the diffusion and domestic appropriation of humanitarian norms. This article discusses some unintended effects of this “anti-impunity turn” in the laws of war in the context of non-international armed conflicts. Specifically, it examines the consequences of the fact that states typically have a monopoly over the means of legitimate criminal investigation for alleged crimes committed in their territory. Far from operating on a level playing field, criminal investigations in war contexts must be undertaken under institutional conditions that tend to favor state agents over non-state opposition groups. The article spells out some implications of this form of state bias and argues that it can contribute to exacerbate conflict and prolong violence in war.


Author(s):  
George Sarmento ◽  
Lean Araújo

A RESPONSABILIDADE FISCAL COMO CÓDIGO DE CONDUTAS PARA A REALIZAÇÃO DOS GASTOS PÚBLICOS NA EFETIVAÇÃO DA POLÍTICA PÚBLICA DE EDUCAÇÃO OBRIGATÓRIA  FISCAL RESPONSIBILITY AS A CODE OF CONDUCTS FOR PUBLIC SPENDING ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF MANDATORY EDUCATION POLICY   George Sarmento*Lean Araújo**  RESUMO: O direito à educação no Brasil, positivado nas Cartas Constitucionais, foi submetido a avanços e retrocessos quando da produção das oito Constituições, no período de 1824 a 1988. O marco determinante da educação obrigatória e gratuita como direito subjetivo público se deu com a Carta Constitucional de 1988, porém, apesar da instituição de um direito que exige a ação positiva do Estado para o seu contínuo processo de concretude, os gestores têm tergiversado no seu adimplemento, esta tergiversão resulta do não comprometimento dos gestores públicos na adequada produção do orçamento público enquanto instrumento de conquistas das aspirações dos cidadãos, a partir de ações fundadas na responsabilidade fiscal, mediante a alocação de recursos para o adimplemento do direito à educação, razão pela qual o Poder Judiciário, mormente no período pós-1988, tem promovido intervenções para a efetivação do direito à educação, por vezes com forte consequência no processo de execução orçamentária. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Orçamento Público. Educação. Direito Subjetivo Público. Responsabilidade Fiscal. Judicialização. ABSTRACT: The right to education in Brazil, guaranteed in the constitutional charters, went through advancements and setbacks during the formulation of the eight constitutions, in the period between 1824 and 1988. The decisive moment for obligatory and chargeless education as Subjective Public Right was the Constitutional Charter from 1988. But, despite of the institution of a right that demands a positive State action for its continuous process of implementation, the public administrators have tergiversated in its due performance. This tergiversation is a result of lack of commitment from public administrators in adequately producing Public Budget as an instrument of citizens' achievements and aspirations, from actions grounded in Fiscal Responsibility. This is the reason why the judiciary, specially, after 1988, has promoted interventions to effect the right to education, sometimes with substantial consequence in Budget implementation. KEYWORDS: Public Budget. Education. Subjective Public Right. Fiscal Responsibility. Judicializacion.  SUMÁRIO: Introdução. 1 Origem e Principais Eixos da Responsabilidade Fiscal. 2 O Limite de Gastos com Pessoal e a Concretude da Política Pública de Educação. 3 Orçamento Público e seu Processo de Evolução na Ordem Constitucional Brasileira. 4 A Intervenção do Judiciário na Execução Orçamentária. Conclusão. Referências._________________________* Pós-Doutor em Direito pela Université D’Aix-Marseille, França. Doutor e Mestre em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Pernambuco (UFPE). Coordenador do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito da Universidade Federal de Alagoas (UFAL). Professor Associado da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal de Alagoas (UFAL).** Doutorando em Direito pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUC-RS). Professor da Fundação Educacional Jayme de Altavila e na Sociedade de Ensino Universitário do Nordeste.


1979 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-554
Author(s):  
George Feaver

There is something intrepidly parochial in Patricia Hughes's account of Mill's views. Her very opening statement, with its new vision of society, its “emerging social forces,” its principals “trapped by traditional influences,” sets the tone for the enterprise which follows—an historical melodrama with J. S. Mill, the patron saint of contemporary liberalism, reborn in Canada without his aspergillum, an affable enough character, a sort of Bruno Gerussi of the political thought set, his do-gooder's heart generally in the right place but his head usually muddled: an admirably earnest figure, even, who some how always misses the point but, up to now, has gotten away with it. Our aspiring script-writer intends to set things right, to show how we can redo the storyline (which may require substituting another nineteenth century great in the leading role), so as to combine passion and theory in a really radical vision of a fully liberated society.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10 (108)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Abbaz Osmaev

The events in the Chechen Republic of the late 20th — early 21th century, especially the counter-terrorism operation (the second “Chechen war”), have become the object of close attention of politicians of various levels and political views, as well as historians, political scientists, sociologists of Russia and the world. The existing assessments of the counterterrorist operation in Chechnya are extremely polarized and numerous also because it almost immediately outgrew a local-regional character, becoming a higher-order phenomenon that has a serious impact on the domestic and foreign policy of the Russian Federation. The problems of preserving territorial integrity and the right of nations to self-determination, the need for a tough fight against terrorism and respect for human rights, conducting military operations using the army on their territory and preserving the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens are intertwined in one tangle. The Russian, European and American expert communities have paid and continue to pay considerable attention to various aspects of the problems related to the conduct of the counter-terrorism operation in the Chechen Republic, its consequences, results, and the current situation in the region, giving assessments according to their political views and preferences. However, in general, the huge volume of accumulated sources and various research papers on this problem can be stumped — at least the most preliminary work is required to assess the historiography of the “Chechen wars” and specific problems related to the nature of the source base. The peculiarities of the internal policy of the Russian Federation, its involvement in armed conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, the unstable situation in the Caucasus as a whole, undoubtedly have an impact on the intensification of terrorist manifestations in Russia. Moreover, the roots of a number of emerging problems go back to the period of the counter-terrorist operation in the Chechen Republic. Terrorism has evolved in recent years, destabilizing the internal State security for a long time. And although at present the situation in this direction is steadily normalizing, new threats nevertheless appear, and they require scientific understanding and the organization of counteraction on a scientific basis.


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