A liberal narrative

Author(s):  
Tamas Wells

This chapter unpacks a liberal narrative of democracy. It grounds and locates the ways that many aid workers in Myanmar understood and communicated about democracy. The chapter outlines three elements of this narrative. First, most international aid workers involved in the research pointed toward the challenge of ethnic and religious divisions in the country. These aid workers described how divisions in Myanmar were perpetuated by a personalised political culture where formal institutions of democracy were insufficiently embedded. Second, aid agency representatives often expressed a vision of a formal procedure-based democracy supported by liberal values of human rights, pluralism and the protection of minorities. This vision also had a future orientation, where proponents of this narrative saw Myanmar’s democratisation as being set within the context of other transitional countries around the world – moving away from traditional systems toward a democratic future. Third, many aid workers emphasised a strategy of government and civil society capacity building led by international aid agencies.

Author(s):  
Robin Ramcharan

Citizens of ASEAN states appear to be increasingly involved, through Information Communication Technologies (ICTs), in pushing for greater openness and accountability of their political leaders and public institutions. In particular, ICTs afford citizens of ASEAN States and like-minded counterparts around the world in the human rights community to push for greater accountability of ASEAN’s human rights institutions. With the adoption of the ASEAN Charter in 2007, ASEAN states embarked on a process of crafting a regional ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), eighteen years after the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna, Austria. While the World Conference had reaffirmed the universality of human rights, ASEAN states have moved grudgingly and gradually, egged on by greater global concern for human rights and by the pressures of globalization, towards the protection of human rights. The Terms of Reference (TORs) of the AICHR, adopted in July 2009 and favouring promotion rather than protection of human rights did not provide for an institutionalised role for the media. Subsequent drafting by AICHR of a proposed ASEAN Human Rights Declaration (AHRD) has excluded mainstream news media and civil society organizations (CSOs) from the process. In the absence of reporting and substantive reporting by most mainstream media in the region civil society, most importantly the new ICT based media, has played a vital role in seeking to advance the protection of human rights. This includes scrutiny of the specific rights that will be included in the forthcoming AHRD to ensure that international human rights standards are upheld and that ASEAN states honour their existing commitments under international instruments. The new media-environment provides a platform for a multitude of actors to disseminate human rights related information, to document human rights abuses and thereby enhance the protection of human rights in the region.  


Refuge ◽  
1997 ◽  
pp. 32-36
Author(s):  
Malcolm Rogge

This article discusses how oil development in the Amazon basin of Ecuador threatens to displace indigenous peoples through environmental contamination and colonization. It presents approaches to capacity-building for indigenous and mestizo-settler communities to deal with threats to human rights and the environment due to oil development. While the focus is on transnational oil operations in the Ecuadorian Oriente, many of the issues and empowerment methods discussed here are transferable to other local/global conflicts around the world, especially where indigenous and peasant communities are adversely affected by transnational resource extraction activities (mining, forestry, and oil).


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  

This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anwar Faraj ◽  
Narmeen Ahmed

The tolerance is one of the issues that have aroused the interest of specialists and activists in political and cultural affairs in various countries of the world. Especially those countries whose societies have suffered from: societal crises, national or religious differences, and civil wars or internal or external political conflicts. Because of the developments in the human rights movement and the activities of international organizations and their role in alleviating conflicts and building peace in many countries, the issue of tolerance has become one of the global issues that receive the attention of global institutions, including global civil society organizations, which have witnessed an expansion in their activities by developments in Information and communication technology, to contribute an effective role in the cause of tolerance in various countries of the world, and is attracting interaction at the level of the international community.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Kleemann

2018 marked both the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 20th anniversary of the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. However, Human Rights Defenders have quickly become a target for authoritarian and illiberal regimes around the world. To make things worse, in recent years Human Rights Defenders and civil society have also been strong-armed, restricted in their work or even exposed to violence by democratic states increasingly. Steven Kleemann therefore examines this so-called “shrinking spaces” phenomenon in a European context and takes into account the international legal framework.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 283-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darren O’Byrne

AbstractNatural disasters, such as the Japanese earthquake and tsunami of March 2011, have not only tested the fragility of the world capitalist system, but have asked questions of the ‘cosmopolitan ideal’ that underpins the discourse on global civil society prevalent in much literature on globalization. In this article I consider why the global response to such tragedies is markedly different to the more muted response to more overtly political tragedies, such as atrocities committed by states, and suggests that what it demonstrates is not a full cosmopolitanismper se, but a ‘selective cosmopolitanism’ grounded in a ‘de-politicization of feeling’. As a result, the political context of these natural disasters is often ignored and this calls for a repositioning of such disasters within a human rights framework and for an analysis of them informed by a critical globalization studies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Barnett

AbstractMany theories of international relations contain a narrative of progress and explain that progress with reference to evolutionary imagery. This article examines critically: the relevance of Darwinian and Lamarckian models of international relations to the evolution of international ethics and institutions; and the possibility that the ethics and norms are likely to be more consistent with existing world orders than challengers to it. Specifically, this article draws from evolutionary social science and organizational theory to develop a framework to explore the initial diversity of the meaning and practices of humanitarianism; how the combination of environmental mechanisms and organizational culture led many humanitarian agencies to adapt to their environment in ways that incorporated politics; and the subsequent countermovement by some agencies who wanted to purify humanitarianism. I then apply this framework to explain the recent history of four international aid agencies. I conclude with several observations regarding how the model as applied to these cases allows us to examine critically the selection mechanisms that do and do not account for ethical change and how scholars of international norms, ethics, and progress should be attentive to how principled actors are creatures of the world they want to transform.


2021 ◽  
pp. 50-67
Author(s):  
Arafat Ibnul Bashar

“Desperate times call for desperate measures” – COVID-19 contact tracing apps and technology have been operating in the desperate times created by the COVID-19 global pandemic. But the impact of these apps and technology on society is contentious, as the benefit gained from such is said to be largely outweighed by the negative impact it can have during and after the pandemic. Surveillance measures have always been a tricky business. Labeled as the ‘magical solution’ for most horrid problems of our time such as terrorism, crime prevention, it has always failed to live up to its name and has proved to be one of the prominent tools for the authoritarian regimes to oppress people and commit gross human rights violations. Over-reliance on COVID-19 apps and considering them a ‘magical solution’ to containing the spread of Coronavirus can have irreversible consequences. Instead, the pandemic and desperate situation posed by it may have provided the regimes around the world an opportunity to introduce new surveillance infrastructures or strengthen the existing ones, which would have taken years and lots of friction from courts, activists, and civil society, to achieve. The article assesses the legality of COVID-19 contact tracing apps and technology and tries to draw a picture of the society that faces the consequences of surveillance and data collected through such apps and technology and looks at how legal mechanisms can cope with such consequences.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Morgan Franciska Hanks

<p>In dealing with contested regimes, international aid donors must decide whether to suspend or continue to provide development assistance to a regime considered illegitimate. Since the 1990s a general consensus has existed that conventional sanctions are largely ineffective and essentially violate human rights. Responding to this realisation, targeted or ‘smart’ sanctions emerged with the aim of minimising the impacts of sanctions on civilians, while still targeting the ruling elite. This thesis investigates smart sanctions utilised in a Pacific Island country: Fiji. Following the coups of 1987, 2000 and 2006 three of Fiji’s major aid donors, Australia, New Zealand and the European Union, imposed various levels of smart sanctions including targeted travel bans and sanctioning their aid programmes. In particular, the donors focused on redirecting funding through non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Fiji. Within the sanctions literature a particular gap exists regarding assessment of the impacts on local NGOs. What research does exists has shown that in several cases in Africa, Asia and South America when donors have chosen to channel aid through civil society in response to lagging political reforms, this has at times done more harm than good for local NGOs. Since the imposition of smart sanctions in Fiji there has been no evaluation of how rechanneling aid through NGOs has changed the local development landscape. This research evaluates both the explicit and implicit impacts that smart sanctions imposed on Fiji have had on local NGOs.</p>


Author(s):  
طارق زيدان خلف

There is no doubt that research in development, democracy and human rights are important topics at present, and the researcher can not ignore any of the titles mentioned, because they are interrelated with each other, Democracy as a principle is based on the idea of human rights. As rights grow under democracy, their role in sustainable development, Democracy is a state of great human consciousness that contributes to the development of human society, and it is an experience of making peoples and nations of the world Democracy is not limited to a particular people or nation, but values, culture, practices and new institutions on us, need details and disclosures coupled with openness It is based on freedom of opinion and opinion, free from oppression, arbitrariness and intellectual terrorism,It must be civil and peaceful and is a welcome area to express opinion and trade-offs between good and then resort to the people, which is not restraining orders and dictatorship arbitrariness and superiority at the expense of the principles and values and the rights of people in civil society


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