scholarly journals Mobiles Facing Death: Affective Witnessing And The Intimate Companionship Of Devices

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-180
Author(s):  
Larissa Hjorth ◽  
Kathleen Mae Cumiskey

From disasters to celebrations, camera phone practices play a key role in the abundance of shared images globally (Frosh 2015; Hjorth and Hendry 2015; Hjorth and Burgess 2014; Van House et al. 2005). Photography has always had a complicated relationship with death. This paper focuses on how mobile devices, through the broadcasting of troubling material, can simultaneously lead to misrecognition of the self (Wendt 2015) alongside an often-public evidentiary experience of trauma and grief. In this paper we will focus on the companionship of mobile devices in users’ most desperate hours. Use of mobile devices in crisis situations generate affective responses and uses. We will draw from case studies to highlight the power of the mobile to not only remind us that media has always been social, but that mobile media is challenging how the social is constituted by the political and the personal, and the ethical mediation between both. The ethical, psychological, moral and existential challenges that this new kind of witnessing poses will be explored.

Author(s):  
Beatriz Contreras Tasso

This article seeks to examine the ethico-anthropological dimension at the root of the ricœurian idea of justice, which is developed quite explicitly in Oneself as Another and then picked up in his last work The Course of Recognition. Our hypothesis is that the ricœurian analysis of justice implies an essential relationship between knowledge of oneself and recognition, which is marked by an inherent tension that both links and opposes these two moments in an irreducible dialectic. However, this dialectic runs the risk of disguising a founding sense of justice in the social life of man, both on an interpersonal level and on the political level, which reinforces the institution of justice at the juridical level. So, to begin with, we will try to show how that ethical sense of the just shows itself on the basis of the anthropological analysis of the capacities of the capable man, which reinforces the original correlation between knowledge of oneself and recognition; then we will attempt to relate the fundamental contributions of the hermeneutics of the self to Ricœur’s notion of justice.


2012 ◽  
pp. 67-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Lambert ◽  
Eric Pezet

This paper investigates the practices whereby the subject, in an organisational context, carries out systematic practices of self-discipline and becomes a calculative self. In particular, we explore the techniques of conduct developed by management accountants in a French carmaker, which adheres to a neoliberal environment. We show how these management accountants become calculative selves by building the very measurement of their own performance. The organisation thereby emerges as the cauldron in which a Homo liberalis is forged. Homo liberalis is the individual capable of constructing for him/her the political self-discipline establishing his/her relationship with the social world on the basis of measurable performance. The management accountants studied in this article prefigure the Homo liberalis in the self-discipline they develop to act in compliance with the organisation’s goals.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-219
Author(s):  
Cyrielle Garson

AbstractIn a post-Brexit (and perhaps even post-truth) context, the entire nation is going through an intense period of self-scrutiny, attempting to find a way forward for British culture despite a growing climate of divisive and destructive trends. As ever, verbatim theatre, spearheaded by Rufus Norris’ National Theatre, has sought to provide some answers in its relentless examination of the state of Britain. However, since the renaissance of verbatim theatre in the mid-1990s, the political situation has worsened considerably and it may appear that the typical strategies of verbatim theatre have lost their efficacy, struggling to provide a much-needed alternative. In this article, I will assess some of verbatim theatre’s latest developments in the 21st century through three main case studies, which are DV8’s To Be Straight with You (2007), Catherine Grosvenor’s Cherry Blossom (2008) and Alecky Blythe’s Little Revolution (2014). My main argument is that, notwithstanding the claims to the contrary, verbatim theatre is far from being in decline and it has continued to fluctuate, transform and exceed its familiar parameters, urging us to rethink its general aesthetic coordinates beyond the project of documentary realism and that of a national ‘shadow archive.’ More specifically and drawing from a variety of recent examples including the aforementioned case studies, I will argue that verbatim theatre in this period has a post-postmodern proclivity to make new connections across the fragments and re-construct the social.


Linguaculture ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Camelia Anghel

The article explores D. H. Lawrence’s technique of portrayal in the short story “England, My England” (1921) by applying the key terms annex-metaphor and “blind self” to Egbert, the central male character. The former term is coined by the author of the article as a means of understanding Lawrence’s treatment of his protagonist’s inner life. With the help of the daughter figure, the British author manages to shape the abstract character of notions, and to produce a figurative, volatile version of the father’s psyche. The latter concept, “blind self,” belongs to Lawrence himself, and can be transferred, the paper argues, from one character to another in the process of uncovering Egbert’s metaphorically shaped responses to different types of environment: the mystical, the social, the political. The idea of blindness is materialized as attraction towards nature, as denial of society or, on the contrary, as denial of the self, and, last but not least, as automatic response to the whims of history and national politics.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Bayo Ogunjimi

Right from the period of colonialism the herd or cult of the national bourgeoisie has been consistent in its chicanery of reifying, alienating and approximating the social existence of the peasants, the working class and other oppressed social strata. They operate the political culture from various levels of fetishisms as politicians, businessmen, professionals, religious prelates, feudal oligarchies and cultic forces. Set against the masses is the conglomerate of the class referred to by Wole Soyinka as the “self-consolidating regurgitative lumpen Mafiadom of the military, the old politicians and business enterprises” (The Man Died, London, Andre Deutsche Ltd., 1972, p. 181). This class consists of those that Frantz Fanon refers to as the conduit pipes and errand boys of international monopoly capital.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joris Boonen ◽  
Ellen Quintelier ◽  
Marc Hooghe

Within research on the political influence that social network members exert on one another, some studies rely on information obtained directly from different members in the network separately (self-reported measures), while others rely on information obtained from one key informant within the social network (measures based on perception). We investigate the difference between these self-reported and perceived measures by analyzing the correspondence of voting intentions within the family. On the one hand, we examine this correspondence using information obtained from only one family member. On the other hand, we use the self-reported measures obtained from all family members separately. We use data from the Parent-Child Socialization Study (PCSS), a survey conducted among 2,085 mothers, fathers and children in the Flemish region of Belgium (2012). Our analyses suggest that using perceptual measures could lead researchers to different or even opposite conclusions than using self-reported measures from all individual respondents.


Author(s):  
Mandy Sadan

This chapter considers the failure of early attempts at democracy in the Union of Burma and the slide towards conflict in the Kachin region. It uses detailed analysis of the life story of one of the founding soldiers in the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) to explain how many of the themes of the book — migration, exclusion, educational disadvantage, perceptions of threats to the self — become woven together at this time to create an outcome of violence. The chapter describes the early efforts to raise funds for an armed movement and the ways in which moral justifications for these acts were given. It also describes the disappointment that emerged in the political culture under U Nu and the Sama Duwa Sinwa Nawng to explore further the notion of Kachin political consensus building as a critical dynamic in the social justification of armed revolt.


Author(s):  
Amparo Lasén

Mobile communication entails multiple and multimedia ways of representing the self: of depicting, performing, and making oneself present, to ourselves and to our significant ones, as well as to different connected audiences. This chapter explores how these complex choreographic performances of presentation–representation–embodiment, are the effect of a shared agency between people and mobile media, involving intentions, desires, habits, collective norms and expectations, written and non-written rules, as well as the affordances and constraints of the different digital infrastructures, from mobile devices to apps and platforms, with their commercial and technical requirements. Special attention is given to the choreographic aspect of these performances, for instance, how gender and race are performed in mobile-mediated forms of self-(re)presentation, with aesthetic and ethical implications. These choreographies are forms of current digital labor, where the production of images and visibilities prevails, in mobile practices such as the taking and sharing of selfies and the uses and practices around mobile apps.


1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 1017-1030 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry A. Kissinger

The conservative in a revolutionary period always represents somewhat of an anomaly. Were society still cohesive, it would occur to no one to be a conservative for a serious alternative to the existing structure would be inconceivable. But a revolutionary period is a symptom precisely of the fact that the self-evidence of the goals of the social effort has disintegrated, that a significant segment of society holds values which either cannot or will not be assimilated. What had been taken for granted must now be defended and the act of defense introduces rigidity. The deeper the fissure, the more inflexible the contending positions and the greater the temptation to dogmatism. Were the “legitimate” structure still universally accepted, it would not be necessary to demonstrate its validity; but the act of defense exhibits the possibility of an alternative.Once the existing legitimacy has been challenged, no real discourse between the contenders is possible any longer, for they cease to speak the same language. It is not the adjustment of differences within a political system which is now at issue, but the political system itself.


Author(s):  
Scott Hames

This chapter examines the boom in Scottish literary fiction during the 1980s and 1990s, and the rhetoric of its presentation as a ‘new renaissance’. With this label came remarkably strong claims for the political efficacy of the contemporary literary novel — a phenomenon that has not attracted the interest it deserves from literary historians outside Scotland. In the two decades prior to devolution, the emergence of formally ambitious Scottish novelists sponsored a conflation of fiction and democracy which figured the novel as the locus of national self-representation and reinvention. While there is clear evidence of these writers’ influence on the self-image of post-devolution Scotland, a closer examination of their fiction and its staging of ‘Scottishness’ complicates any straightforward affiliation with cultural nationalism. The ‘new renaissance’ discourse, this chapter suggests, both inflates the social impact of these novelists and delimits the politics of their writing to the display of suppressed ‘identity’.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document