scholarly journals The Difference Between Self-Reported and Perceived Survey Measures and the Implications for Political Socialization Research

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joris Boonen ◽  
Ellen Quintelier ◽  
Marc Hooghe
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Child Socialization ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Key Informant ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One

Within research on the political influence that social network members exert on one another, some studies rely on information obtained directly from different members in the network separately (self-reported measures), while others rely on information obtained from one key informant within the social network (measures based on perception). We investigate the difference between these self-reported and perceived measures by analyzing the correspondence of voting intentions within the family. On the one hand, we examine this correspondence using information obtained from only one family member. On the other hand, we use the self-reported measures obtained from all family members separately. We use data from the Parent-Child Socialization Study (PCSS), a survey conducted among 2,085 mothers, fathers and children in the Flemish region of Belgium (2012). Our analyses suggest that using perceptual measures could lead researchers to different or even opposite conclusions than using self-reported measures from all individual respondents.

The Double Conditioning of Political Participation: Grassroots Politics on Facebook

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Jannick Schou ◽  
Johan Farkas ◽  
Morten Hjelholt
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
User Participation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Material Structure ◽  
Grassroots Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Future ◽  
The One

The emergence of social network sites as a part of everyday life has given rise to a number of debates on the demo- cratic potential afforded by these technologies. This paper addresses political participation facilitated through Facebook from a practice-oriented perspective and presents a case study of the political grassroots organisation, Fight For The Future. Initially, the paper provides a basic theoretical framework that seeks to map the relation between civic practices, materiality, and discursive features. Using this framework, the article analyses Fight For The Future’s use of Facebook to facilitate political participation. The study finds that user participation on the Facebook page is ‘double conditioned’ by the material structure of the social network site on the one hand and by the discourses articulated by the organisation and users on the other. Finally, the paper discusses the findings and raises a number of problems and obstacles facing participatory grassroots organisations, such as Fight For The Future, when using Facebook.

Human Rights Are the Rights of the Infinite: An Interview with Alain Badiou

2012 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 162-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Max Blechman ◽  
Anita Chari ◽  
Rafeeq Hasan
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Lacanian Psychoanalysis ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Politics ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One ◽  
State Form ◽  
Complete Transformation

Abstract In seeking to found a ‘new political logic’, Badiou argues that we can only retrieve the political sense of concrete negation through its subordination to a prior field of affirmation: i.e. the opening of a new possibility inside a given historical situation, or ‘the event’, that may be politically realised through the creation of a ‘new subjective body’ consisting in the social affirmation of those new possibilities. Revolutionary politics is therefore said to rest on a synthesis of, on the one hand, democracy in the sense of spontaneous mass-political irruption, and, on the other, a prescriptive elaboration of the ramifications of the event. The discussion then turns to the question of strategy – outside and against the politically moribund State-form – and his reconfiguration of political universality vis-à-vis the formulations of classical Marxism. Badiou counterposes capitalist ideology’s implicit anthropology of self-interested animals to his own of subjects embodied in a generic truth-procedure and its concomitant model of political rights, where what is ultimately at stake is ‘the complete transformation of the form of . . . difference, of the way the difference exists’ rather than a materialist dialectics of antagonistic contradiction. The interview concludes with Badiou clarifying his relationship to Lacanian psychoanalysis as an essential but by no means exhaustive conceptual armoury for understanding the relation between subject and event.

Murder with Impunity: The Construction of Arab Masculinities and Honor Crimes

1970 ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
May Abu Jaber
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Social Boundaries ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Male Authority ◽  
Cultural Networks ◽  
Gender Specific

Violence against women (VAW) continues to exist as a pervasive, structural,systematic, and institutionalized violation of women’s basic human rights (UNDivision of Advancement for Women, 2006). It cuts across the boundaries of age, race, class, education, and religion which affect women of all ages and all backgrounds in every corner of the world. Such violence is used to control and subjugate women by instilling a sense of insecurity that keeps them “bound to the home, economically exploited and socially suppressed” (Mathu, 2008, p. 65). It is estimated that one out of every five women worldwide will be abused during her lifetime with rates reaching up to 70 percent in some countries (WHO, 2005). Whether this abuse is perpetrated by the state and its agents, by family members, or even by strangers, VAW is closely related to the regulation of sexuality in a gender specific (patriarchal) manner. This regulation is, on the one hand, maintained through the implementation of strict cultural, communal, and religious norms, and on the other hand, through particular legal measures that sustain these norms. Therefore, religious institutions, the media, the family/tribe, cultural networks, and the legal system continually disciplinewomen’s sexuality and punish those women (and in some instances men) who have transgressed or allegedly contravened the social boundaries of ‘appropriateness’ as delineated by each society. Such women/men may include lesbians/gays, women who appear ‘too masculine’ or men who appear ‘too feminine,’ women who try to exercise their rights freely or men who do not assert their rights as ‘real men’ should, women/men who have been sexually assaulted or raped, and women/men who challenge male/older male authority.

Defending the Difference

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Natural Sciences ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
True Nature ◽  
Natural Entities ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Methodological Difference ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One

Dreyfus argues that there is a basic methodological difference between the natural sciences and the social sciences, a difference that derives from the different goals and practices of each. He goes on to argue that being a realist about natural entities is compatible with pluralism or, as he calls it, “plural realism.” If intelligibility is always grounded in our practices, Dreyfus points out, then there is no point of view from which one can ask about or provide an answer to the one true nature of ultimate reality. But that is consistent with believing that the natural sciences can still reveal the way the world is independent of our theories and practices.

Doing politics by other means: Abdelmalek Sayad and the political sociology of a collective intellectual

2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (5) ◽  
pp. 999-1014
Author(s):  
Amín Pérez
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Host Society ◽  
Intellectual Work ◽  
Academic Fields ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Fields ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The One

This article proposes a new understanding of the constraints and opportunities that lead intellectuals engaged in different political and social fields to create alternative modes of resistance to domination. The study of the Algerian sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad offers insights into the social conditions of this mode of committed scholarship. On the one hand, this article applies Sayad’s theory of immigration to his transnational intellectual engagements. It establishes how immigrants’ intellectual work are conditioned by their trajectories, both before and after leaving their country, and by the stages of emigration (from playing a role in the society of origin to becoming caught up in the reality of the host society). On the other hand, the article illuminates the constraints and the spaces of possible action intellectuals face while moving across national universes and disparate political and academic fields. Sayad’s marginal position within the academy constrained him to work for the French and Algerian governments and international organizations while he was simultaneously engaged with political dissidents, unionists, writers, and social movements. In tracking Sayad’s roles as an academic, expert and public sociologist, the article uncovers the conditions that grounded improbable alliances between those fields and produced new forms of critique and political action. The article concludes by drawing out some reflections that ‘collective intellectual’ engagements elicit to the sociology of intellectuals.

Israel's Military Aid to Africa, 1960–66

1971 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Jacob
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Donor Country ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Cultural Barriers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Assistance ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
The Social ◽  
Recipient Government ◽  
The Military

DURING the late 1950S and early 19605, Israel mounted an active campaign of aid to Africa, which took three main forms: technical help in agriculture, joint commercial ventures, and military assistance. Of the three, the military and quasi-military programmes made the most considerable mark in Africa;1 they were also an important part of Israel's overall foreign policy, in an attempt to gain political influence through military aid, and thus to help overcome her isolation in the Middle East. Israel's military assistance to Africa illustrates several important aspects of foreign aid. This article deals mainly with the political motives of the donor country, and the various ways in which it may be concerned to influence the actions of the recipient government. Later, there is some discussion of the social and cultural barriers to the transfer of military and para-military organisations from one culture to another.

scholarly journals WEAKENED SOCIAL NETWORK: THE EXPERIENCE OF CAREGIVERS OF THE HIV-EXPOSED INFANT

2015 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 775-783 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willyane de Andrade Alvarenga ◽  
Marli Teresinha Gimeniz Galvão ◽  
Lucila Castanheira Nascimento ◽  
Maria Isabel Ruiz Beretta ◽  
Giselle Dupas
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Descriptive Study ◽  
Postnatal Period ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Emotional Information ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Exposed Infant ◽  
Specialized Service ◽  
Hiv Exposed

ABSTRACTThis study aimed to know the social network and social support the caregiver had available to take care of children exposed to HIV in the postnatal period. It is a descriptive study with a qualitative approach that used the theoretical framework of Symbolic Interactionism. Data were collected through interviews with 36 caregivers of children born to HIV-infected mothers who were followed up in a specialized service in the Northeast of Brazil and they were analyzed by inductive content analysis. The results revealed three categories that show the family and expert service as the main social networks of the caregiver and little emotional, information, instrumental and appreciation support received both in the family and in the context of health services. Interventions are needed to strengthen the weakened social network of the caregiver and to qualify and include nursing care in the context of children exposed to HIV.

scholarly journals “No éramos del MIR los pobladores, nosotros estábamos por una necesidad que era la vivienda”: Los pobladores del campamento Nueva La Habana y el MIR, 1970-1973

2017 ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Alejandra Araya González
Keyword(s):  
Identity Construction ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Housing Assistance ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Squatter Settlement ◽  
Siglo Xx

Dentro de los repertorios de acción del movimiento de pobladores, sobresalen las formas en que estos actores urbanos se relacionaron con organismos políticos durante la búsqueda de solución a su problema habitacional. Este artículo propone un análisis de las relaciones socio-políticas que sostuvieron los pobladores del Nueva La Habana con el MIR entre 1970-1973, postulando que aquellos vínculos marcaron una dinámica social-política oscilante entre la búsqueda de una asistencia habitacional y la influencia política de un movimiento revolucionario que recién se vinculaba con los pobladores. En esta línea, se postula que la construcción identitaria de los pobladores de Nueva La Habana se puede entender a partir de una conducta pragmática en la experiencia política que vivieron con los dirigentes del MIR, constituyendo un sello identitario sustancial, que abre una perspectiva histórica para comprender la conducta social-política de los pobladores durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX y el Chile actual.Palabras clave: Movimiento de pobladores, Campamento Nueva La Habana, MIR, experiencia política.“We, the squatters, did not belong to the MIR, we were there because our necessity of dwelling”: Squatters of the squatter settlement Nueva La Habana and the MIR, 1970-1973AbstractIn histories of action of the squatters’ movement, we can highlight the ways in which these urban actors related to political organisms looking for a solution to their housing problem. This article proposes an analysis of the socio-political relations among the squatters of New Havana and the MIR between 1970-1973, postulating that those links marked an oscillating social-political dynamics between the search for a housing assistance and the political influence of a revolutionary movement that was linked with the squatters. In this sense, it is postulated that the identity construction of the inhabitants of Nueva La Habana can be understood from a pragmatic behavior in the political experience they lived with MIR’s leaders, constituting a substantial identity character that opens a historical perspective for understanding the social-political behavior of the squatters during the second half of the Twentieth Century and today in Chile.Keywords: Movement of squatters, New Havana squatter settlement, MIR, political experience.“Os povoadores não éramos do MIR, nós estávamos por uma necessidade que foi a morada”: Os moradores do acampamento a Nueva La Habana e o MIR, 1970-1973ResumoDentro dos repertórios de ação do movimento de povoadores, sobressaem asmaneiras pelas quais esses atores urbanos se relacionaram com organizações políticas durante a busca de uma solução para seu problema habitacional. Este artigo propõe uma análise das relações sócio-políticas que sustentaram aos povoadores da Nueva La Habana com o MIR entre 1970-1973, postulando que esses laços, marcaram uma dinâmica sócio-política que oscilam entre a busca de assistência habitacional e a influência política de um movimento revolucionário que, recentemente, se vinculava com os povoadores. Nesta linha, postula-se que a construção da identidade dos povoadores da Nueva La Habana pode ser entendida a partir de uma conduta pragmática na experiência política viveram com os dirigentes do MIR, constituindo um selo de identidade substancial, que abre uma perspectiva histórica para compreender a conduta sócio-política dos povoadores durante a segunda metade do século XX e o Chile atual.Palavras-chave: Movimento de povoadores, Acampamento Nova Havana, MIR, experiência política.

scholarly journals Literatura policial y policía: reflexiones a partir de dos intervenciones críticas (José Pablo Feinmann y Carlos Gamerro)

2022 ◽  
Vol 9 (17) ◽  
pp. 197-225
Author(s):  
Hernán Maltz
Keyword(s):  
Detective Fiction ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Crime Fiction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Specific Interest ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Novela Negra ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

I propose a close reading on two critical interventions about crime fiction in Argentina: “Estado policial y novela negra argentina” (1991) by José Pablo Feinmann and “Para una reformulación del género policial argentino” (2006) by Carlos Gamerro. Beyond the time difference between the two, I observe aspects in common. Both texts elaborate a corpus of writers and fictions; propose an interpretative guide between the literary and the political-social series; maintain a specific interest in the relationship between crime fiction and police; and elaborate figures of enunciators who serve both as theorists of the genre and as writers of fiction. Among these four dimensions, the one that particularly interests me here is the third, since it allows me to investigate the link that is assumed between “detective fiction” and “police institution”. My conclusion is twofold: on the one hand, in both essays predominates a reductionist vision of the genre, since a kind of necessity is emphasized in the representation of the social order; on the other, its main objective seems to lie in intervening directly on the definitions of the detective fiction in Argentina (and, on this point, both texts acquire an undoubtedly prescriptive nuance).

scholarly journals JORNALISMO REGIONAL NAS REDES SOCIAIS: a cobertura político-eleitoral na fanpage do jornal o estado do Maranhão

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 347-381
Author(s):  
Michele Goulart Massuchin ◽  
Regilson Furtado Borges
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Social Network ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Redes Sociales ◽  
Digital Part ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Social ◽  
La Red

Este artigo apresenta uma análise sobre como o jornal O Estado do Maranhão (MA) se apropria da sua página no Facebook como espaço para difundir conteúdo jornalístico. A abordagem metodológica é quantitativa e qualitativa a partir da análise do conteúdo de 608 posts extraídos da fanpage do jornal e de entrevista com a responsável pela versão digital do veículo. A pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as características dos conteúdos distribuídos pela rede social, especialmente observando o espaço destinado para temas políticos e eleitorais. A análise trabalha com as seguintes características: temas, tema eleitoral, abrangência, valência e interação. Como resultado principal ressalta-se que O Estado do Maranhão concedeu espaço considerável para o tema político-eleitoral, com baixa presença de entretenimento.   PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Jornalismo; redes sociais; eleições.   ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of how the newspaper O Estado de Maranhão (MA) appropriates the Facebook page as a space for disseminating journalistic content. The methodological approach is quantitative and qualitative from the content analysis of 608 posts extracted from the fanpage of the newspaper and interview with the responsible for digital part of the vehicle. The research aims to analyze the characteristics of the contents distributed by the social network, especially observing the space destined for electoral subjects. The analysis discuses these characteristics: themes, electoral theme, scope and engagement. As a main result, O Estado do Maranhão granted considerable space for the political-electoral theme.   KEYWORDS: journalism; social networks; elections.     RESUMEN Este artículo presenta un análisis sobre cómo el diario El Estado de Maranhão (MA) se apropia de su página en Facebook como espacio para difundir contenido periodístico. El enfoque metodológico es cuantitativo y cualitativo a partir del análisis del contenido de 608 posts extraídos de la fanpage del periódico y de entrevista con la responsable de la parte digital del vehículo. La investigación tiene por objetivo analizar las características de los contenidos distribuidos por la red social, especialmente observando el espacio destinado a temas electorales. El análisis trabaja con las siguientes características: temas, tema electoral, alcance y la relación com os lectores. Como resultado principal se resalta que el Estado de Maranhão concedió espacio considerable para el tema político-electoral.   PALABRAS CLAVE: periodismo, redes sociales, elecciones.  

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