scholarly journals Emotional and Financial Stress in Doctors Working in the COVID-19 Crisis

BioMedica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 384-387
Author(s):  
Dr. Syed Riazul Hasan ◽  
Dr. Zeeshan Hamid ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Danial Yaqub ◽  
Dr. Syed Rohail Ahmed ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Amin Aftab

Background and Objective: COVID-19 took the world by a storm and impacted not only the general population but the doctors as well. This study was done in order to determine the financial and economic burden faced by the doctors working in COVID-19 pandemic in Pakistan. Methods: This longitudinal study was carried out from May 9th to May 23rd, 2020 in Pakistan. A self-designed validated Questionnaire was distributed to doctors working in different hospitals of Pakistan through online Google form. Questions regarding emotional and financial stress in Pakistani doctors dealing with COVID-19 patients were included. Results: One hundred and twenty doctors responded to the current study. Majority of them 97 (80.6%) reported stress during duty hours. Stress level was high among 78 (65.3%) doctors to the extent they thought of leaving the job because of risk of getting infected. Less salaries and family pressure were the other demotivating factors. Most of the doctors 71 (59.2%)] were younger than 30 years of age. Eighty-five (71%) doctors reported being pressurized by the families to leave the job. Shortage of protective gears was also the challenge. A total of 65 (54.2%) doctors got their gears from their institutes, 27 (22.2%) bought their own gears, 23 (19.4%) worked without gears, and 5 (4.8%) got gears from non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Conclusion: Majority of the doctors reported stress during duty hours regardless of level or experience in that job; the contributing factors included risk of getting infected, lesser salaries and family pressure. During COVID-19 pandemic, doctors feel that they are not only emotionally exhausted but also tried to cope financial challenges while endangering themselves to save the lives of patients.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Adrian Ruprecht

Abstract This article explores the global spread of the Red Cross and Red Crescent movement to colonial India. By looking at the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–78) and the intense public ferment the events in the Balkans created in Britain, Switzerland, Russia and India, this article illustrates how humanitarian ideas and practices, as well as institutional arrangements for the care for wounded soldiers, were appropriated and shared amongst the different religious internationals and pan-movements from the late 1870s onwards. The Great Eastern Crisis, this article contends, marks a global humanitarian moment. It transformed the initially mainly European and Christian Red Cross into a truly global movement that included non-sovereign colonial India and the Islamic religious international. Far from just being at the receiving end, non-European peoples were crucial in creating global and transnational humanitarianism, global civil society and the world of non-governmental organizations during the last third of the nineteenth century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 23-40
Author(s):  
Brydie-Leigh Bartleet ◽  
Gillian Howell

An increasing number of creative artists, arts organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are working on socially-engaged initiatives that aim to bring about positive change in communities. Examples of outstanding arts practices can be found throughout the world; however, there are major gaps in our understanding about how this work operates. Drawing on insights from 100 Australian arts organizations and NGOs working in this field, this article aims to address some of these gaps. It outlines a typology of change agendas in these organizations, in order to advance a deeper understanding of this field and inform future research, practice and policy.


1989 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-28
Author(s):  
Patricia A. Made ◽  
Nyorovai Whande

Five years ago, women in Africa moved to the center stage of the continent. The U.N. Decade for Women Conference held in Nairobi brought together women from all over the world to exchange ideas and discuss future strategies. African women turned out for the meeting in force. Women representing governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and grass-roots women's clubs converged on Nairobi to tell their story to other women in the common struggle for equality, justice and peace.


Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt ◽  
Dominic Perera ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell ◽  
Kristin M. Bakke

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.


2018 ◽  
pp. 603-612
Author(s):  
Serhii Esaulov

The author raises the issue of settling conflicts around the world and discusses modern attempts to establish law and order. Particular attention is paid to the intricate relations between Hungary and Ukraine. With Russia’s aggression against Ukraine there was ruined a system of international relations, which provided for the rule of law, the right to settle disputes without applying military tools, force or threats. Russia initiated a new precedent of impunity, insolent violation of the fundamental norms of international law, and demonstrated the world how the borders may be redrawn as one sees fit and “bring historical justice”. The author notes that one of the reasons for the escalation of the conflict between Hungary and Ukraine has become the language issue. Still, however pity it is, all attempts of the Ukrainian side to resolve conflict matters have appeared to be vane, since Budapest is reluctant to listen to and consider any arguments of Kyiv, being fully distracted by its demand. It is hard to imagine that in civilized “old” Europe, Germany, for instance, would express claims or even threaten France for the fact that pupils in schools of the French region of Alsace (until 1918, its territory formed part of Germany that attempted to annex it at times of the Second World War) are taught in the official language – French, not in the language of the neighbouring country, even though the Alsatian and German languages are equally spoken there. Unfortunately, Hungary seems not to be ready to follow the example of the Franco-German reconciliation in terms of relations with all neighbours, despite the philosophy of its membership in the EU and NATO. The revenge-seeking attitudes of the Hungarian political establishment regarding the revision of borders according to the Versailles and Yalta systems of international relations are constantly boosted in all directions in the neighbouring countries, where ethnic Hungarians live (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine). The so-called “formula of protecting interests of Russian citizens in Crimea and Donbas” adopted from Putin has apparently laid the foundation for the foreign policy strategy of V. Orban. First, as regards the appeal to make the region of ethnic Hungarians’ residence autonomous and subsequently – the appeal to hold a referendum on separation. The author summarizes that along with the political and diplomatic efforts, a substantial role in easing the tension in relations with Budapest should be played by non-governmental organizations and the expert community though holding forums and scientific conferences aiming at discussing the above-mentioned issues. Keywords: Hungary, conflict, Law on Language, geopolitics, strategies, foreign policy, Ukraine.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gergely Horváth ◽  
Gábor Csüllög

AbstractIn the past years, many geoparks have been established all over the world, based mainly on the geoheritage, and partly on the cultural heritage, of the regions. Their main aim is to promote the spatial development of certain regions, especially by the development of tourism, including geo- and ecotourism. One of the newest geoparks is the Novohrad-Nógrád Geopark along the border of Slovakia and Hungary, which, having a high status, belongs to the UNESCO Global Geoparks Network. What is remarkable about it is that it was the very first cross-border geopark. Because of historical elements and due to political intentions, borders often play a more disjunctive than connective role, and the changes of the borders in the 20th century often distorted the spatial structure and turned former peripheries into flourishing regions. This was characteristic also of the regions where the Novohrad-Nógrád Geopark was established. Beyond the perspective for the spatial development of these regions, this cross-border geopark forces directly the local authorities and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on both sides of the border to maintain tighter contacts for co-operation, promoting by this means also better connections between the two countries.


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.


Author(s):  
Scott Nicholson ◽  
Jeffrey Stanton

Most people think of a library as the little brick building in the heart of their community or the big brick building in the center of a campus. These notions greatly oversimplify the world of libraries, however. Most large commercial organizations have dedicated in-house library operations, as do schools, non-governmental organizations, as well as local, state, and federal governments. With the increasing use of the Internet and the World Wide Web, digital libraries have burgeoned, and these serve a huge variety of different user audiences. With this expanded view of libraries, two key insights arise. First, libraries are typically embedded within larger institutions. Corporate libraries serve their corporations, academic libraries serve their universities, and public libraries serve taxpaying communities who elect overseeing representatives. Second, libraries play a pivotal role within their institutions as repositories and providers of information resources. In the provider role, libraries represent in microcosm the intellectual and learning activities of the people who comprise the institution. This fact provides the basis for the strategic importance of library data mining: By ascertaining what users are seeking, bibliomining can reveal insights that have meaning in the context of the library’s host institution. Use of data mining to examine library data might be aptly termed bibliomining. With widespread adoption of computerized catalogs and search facilities over the past quarter century, library and information scientists have often used bibliometric methods (e.g., the discovery of patterns in authorship and citation within a field) to explore patterns in bibliographic information. During the same period, various researchers have developed and tested data mining techniques—advanced statistical and visualization methods to locate non-trivial patterns in large data sets. Bibliomining refers to the use of these bibliometric and data mining techniques to explore the enormous quantities of data generated by the typical automated library.


2008 ◽  
pp. 2379-2395
Author(s):  
Peter J. Smith ◽  
Elizabeth Smythe

This chapter examines how information technologies have been used by non-governmental organizations to contest economic globalization. The chapter uses as case studies the failed attempt to negotiate the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (1995-1998) and the failed effort to launch a new round of trade negotiations at the World Trade Organization ministerial meetings in Seattle 1999. We do not take the simplistic view that non-governmental organizations were solely responsible for defeating the MAI, or stopping further trade negotiations, but rather use these cases to examine how Internet technology contributed to the capacity of groups to communicate, to quickly mobilize and widely disseminate critical information, outside the control of national elites.


Author(s):  
Terry Clayton ◽  
Nicole West

There are few places in the world where hydropower development is progressing as intensely as the Mekong River Basin in Southeast Asia. In searching for ways of supporting public dialog on development, the Challenge Program on Water and Food found that the hydropower sector speaks of social responsibility only in terms of “benefit sharing,” while the development sector and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) largely ignore or are unaware of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). The chapter begins with an overview of hydropower development in the Mekong, considers some possible reasons for the absence of CSR in the ongoing debate over hydropower development, and concludes with recommendations for designing a project to build on the findings from this research.


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