Reconstructions

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa A. Lindsay
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Social Status ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
New Family ◽  
Early Colonial ◽  
British Colony ◽  
Good Living ◽  
First Time ◽  
Gold Coins

In 1869, Church Vaughan’s relatives in South Carolina heard from him for the first time in years. While they were struggling in the Reconstruction South, their kinsman had moved to Lagos, now a British colony, and was building a prosperous business and a new family. His success was clear from the gifts that he sent: gold coins. In comparing the lives of Church Vaughan and his American relatives, this chapter considers the prospects for freedom in postbellum South Carolina and early colonial Lagos. Although slavery had been outlawed in both places, the key difference between the two was white supremacy. In South Carolina, not only did former slaveholders and their supporters endeavor to restrict the freedoms of the previously enslaved; in their vision, all people of color should occupy the lowest economic and social status. In Lagos, to the contrary, colonial rule did not bring an influx of Europeans, and white supremacy did not flourish. Church Vaughan and other newcomers to Lagos were largely free from extractive patronage relationships and personal violence, and they were free to make a good living. In this way, Vaughan had opportunities in colonial Lagos that his relatives in South Carolina no longer enjoyed.

Amending Procedure of the Federal Constitution

1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-699 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Tanger
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Constitutions ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
Early Colonial ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
History Of ◽  
Fundamental Law ◽  
First Time

The development of government on American soil presents, as one of its features, the embodiment in its fundamental law of provisions for its modification. The early colonial charters kept alive the fiction that a form of government once established was supposed by its creators to last forever. Only the slow change of custom or the violence of a revolution could modify or destroy such a system of government, except, as in the case of the charters granted by the crown, a modification came as a consequence of the exercise of the royal prerogative.In the Frame of Government drawn up by Penn and his colonists in 1683, appeared an amending provision for the first time in the history of written constitutions; and while all subsequent Pennsylvania charters contained a similar provision, the other colonial charters presented no method whatever for their alteration. Prior to the drafting of the Constitution of the United States, however, a method of amendment was embodied in the state constitutions of Delaware, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Georgia, Vermont, South Carolina, and also in the Articles of Confederation.

“Over-zealous Parents, Over-programmed Families”: Asian Americans, Academic Achievement, and White Supremacy

2021 ◽  
pp. 233264922110184
Author(s):  
Pawan Dhingra
Keyword(s):  
Asian Americans ◽  
Asian American ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
White Educators ◽  
Asian American Students ◽  
American Students ◽  
High Achieving ◽  
K 12

Discussions of white supremacy focus on patterns of whites’ stature over people of color across institutions. When a minority group achieves more than whites, it is not studied through the lens of white supremacy. For example, arguments of white supremacy in K-12 schools focus on the disfranchisement of African Americans and Latinxs. Discussions of high-achieving Asian American students have not been framed as such and, in fact, can be used to argue against the existence of white privilege. This article explains why this conception is false. White supremacy can be active even when people of color achieve more than whites. Drawing from interviews and observations of mostly white educators in Boston suburbs that have a significant presence of Asian American students, I demonstrate that even when Asian Americans outcompete whites in schools, white supremacy is active through two means. First, Asian Americans are applauded in ways that fit a model minority stereotype and frame other groups as not working hard enough. Second and more significantly, Asian Americans encounter anti-Asian stereotypes and are told to assimilate into the model of white educators. This treatment is institutionalized within the school system through educators’ practices and attitudes. These findings somewhat support but mostly contrast the notion of “honorary whiteness,” for they show that high-achieving minorities are not just tools of white supremacy toward other people of color but also targets of it themselves. Understanding how high-achieving minorities experience institutionalized racism demonstrates the far reach of white supremacy.

Naturalizing affection, securing property: Family, slavery, and the courts in Antebellum South Carolina, 1830–1860

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Gwendoline M. Alphonso
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Family Relations ◽  
White Male ◽  
Antebellum South ◽  
Court Cases ◽  
White Family ◽  
Antebellum Period

Abstract The scholarship on race and political development demonstrates that race has long been embedded in public policy and political institutions. Less noticed in this literature is how family, as a deliberate political institution, is used to further racial goals and policy purposes. This article seeks to fill this gap by tracing the foundations of the political welding of family and race to the slave South in the antebellum period from 1830 to 1860. Utilizing rich testimonial evidence in court cases, I demonstrate how antebellum courts in South Carolina constructed a standard of “domestic affection” from the everyday lives of southerners, which established affection as a natural norm practiced by white male slaveowners in their roles as fathers, husbands, and masters. By constructing and regulating domestic affection to uphold slavery amid the waves of multiple modernizing forces (democratization, advancing market economy, and household egalitarianism), Southern courts in the antebellum period presaged their postbellum role of reconstructing white supremacy in the wake of slavery's demise. In both cases the courts played a formative role in naturalizing family relations in racially specific ways, constructing affection and sexuality, respectively, to anchor the white family as the bulwark of white social and political hegemony.

scholarly journals Phylogeny and character evolution in the Dacrymycetes, and systematics of Unilacrymaceae and Dacryonaemataceae fam. nov.

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-205
Author(s):  
J.C. Zamora ◽  
S. Ekman
Keyword(s):  
Species Level ◽  
Single Locus ◽  
Phenotypic Characters ◽  
New Family ◽  
Multispecies Coalescent ◽  
Morphometric Analyses ◽  
Methodological Approaches ◽  
First Time ◽  
A New Species ◽  
Multilocus Phylogeny

We present a multilocus phylogeny of the class Dacrymycetes, based on data from the 18S, ITS, 28S, RPB1, RPB2, TEF-1α, 12S, and ATP6 DNA regions, with c. 90 species including the types of most currently accepted genera. A variety of methodological approaches was used to infer phylogenetic relationships among the Dacrymycetes, from a supermatrix strategy using maximum likelihood and Bayesian inference on a concatenated dataset, to coalescence-based calculations, such as quartet-based summary methods of independent single-locus trees, and Bayesian integration of single-locus trees into a species tree under the multispecies coalescent. We evaluate for the first time the taxonomic usefulness of some cytological phenotypic characters, i.e., vacuolar contents (vacuolar bodies and lipid bodies), number of nuclei of recently discharged basidiospores, and pigments, with especial emphasis on carotenoids. These characters, along with several others traditionally used for the taxonomy of this group (basidium shape, presence and morphology of clamp connections, morphology of the terminal cells of cortical/marginal hyphae, presence and degree of ramification of the hyphidia), are mapped on the resulting phylogenies and their evolution through the class Dacrymycetes discussed. Our analyses reveal five lineages that putatively represent five different families, four of which are accepted and named. Three out of these four lineages correspond to previously circumscribed and published families (Cerinomycetaceae, Dacrymycetaceae, and Unilacrymaceae), and one is proposed as the new family Dacryonaemataceae. Provisionally, only a single order, Dacrymycetales, is accepted with in the class. Furthermore, the systematics of the two smallest families, Dacryonaemataceae and Unilacrymaceae, are investigated to the species level, using coalescence-based species delimitation on multilocus DNA data, and a detailed morphological study including morphometric analyses of the basidiospores. Three species are accepted in Dacryonaema, the type, Da. rufum, the newly combined Da. macnabbii (basionym Dacrymyces macnabbii), and a new species named Da. macrosporum. Two species are accepted in Unilacryma, the new U. bispora, and the type, U. unispora, the latter treated in a broad sense pending improved sampling across the Holarctic.

“Army 45 Will Stop All Jive”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean L. Malloy
Keyword(s):  
White Supremacy ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Black Neighborhoods ◽  
Bay Area ◽  
Revolutionary Nationalism ◽  
Che Guevara

This chapter argues that the key to the theory and practice of the Black Panther Party (BPP) during its early years was an understanding of urban black neighborhoods as colonized spaces that needed to be liberated before African Americans could truly be free. Drawing from Frantz Fanon, Mao Zedong, Che Guevara, and pioneering black internationalists such as Malcolm X and Robert F. Williams, the Panthers embraced a form of revolutionary nationalism that posited the dire conditions facing black Oaklanders as part of a worldwide system of oppression linked to capitalism and white supremacy. In doing so, the BPP's founders built directly on their experiences with other organizations, particularly the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), as well as lessons drawn from the daily lives of people of color in the Bay Area.

The “New Crowd” Goes Global

Race News ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Carroll
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Black Newspapers ◽  
Black Protest ◽  
War Correspondents ◽  
The World ◽  
White Press

The United States' entry into World War II led the federal government to renew its surveillance and censorship of black journalists who struck at segregation in wartime. Simultaneously, the white press dismissed black reporters for failing to uphold the doctrine of objectivity. National black newspapers reconciled black protest and white scrutiny by forsaking explicit textual radicalism for a more coded militancy, as illustrated by the “Double V” campaign. Black war correspondents – including Edgar Rouzeau, Deton "Jack" Brooks, Roi Ottley, and George Padmore – praised black troops for their patriotism and sacrifice but also explained how white supremacy structured the lives of people of color elsewhere in the world. By the war's end, black journalists had achieved an uneasy détente with federal officials and white journalists.

The Not-So-New Southern Religion

2019 ◽  
pp. 225-258
Author(s):  
Angie Maxwell ◽  
Todd Shields
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
White Identity ◽  
The South ◽  
White Southerners ◽  
Southern Religion ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Sacred Canopy ◽  
The Church ◽  
Evangelical Protestant

In an effort to win southern white voters, the GOP embraced the old southern religion turning the church faithful into the party loyal. They did so because in many parts of the South, the church remains the central institution defining, organizing, and politicizing its surrounding community. A “sacred canopy” drapes over the region, where there is a common cosmology that is intractable from southern white identity, including its reverence for white supremacy and patriarchy. In general, as a block, white southerners were more evangelical, Protestant, fundamentalist, and moralist than the rest of the country. The not-so-new southern religiosity satisfies an appetite for certainty, conformity, and even social status. As a means to solidify southern white support, the Long Southern Strategy framed southern white Christianity as under attack and cast the GOP as its protector, the price of which is increased cultural defensiveness, anxiety, fear, and distrust.

Military–Industrial Empire

2020 ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Melvin Delgado
Keyword(s):  
Police Officers ◽  
State Violence ◽  
People Of Color ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Youth Of Color ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Work Education ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time

Viewing the military as a major state-sanctioned violence mechanism brings challenges, and not because of the absence of scholarly material or varied perspectives to craft an analysis. Rather, the challenge is how to narrow the scope and still do justice to the broadness of this subject. This chapter may well be the first time that readers have been exposed to the military in state-sanctioned violence, particularly when focused on people of color. Historical material gives context to state violence manifestation in the military–industrial complex and veterans, and a natural follow-up to the chapter on law enforcement and criminal justice. It may seem odd to include the military alongside subjects typically found within a state-sanctioned violence paradigm focused on cities and youth of color; although the military–industrial complex may have escaped attention in social work education, there are increasing numbers of veterans entering our profession. At first glance, it simply does not fit, but upon closer examination when viewing the military as (1) a prime source for recruiting police officers, (2) providing equipment meant for wars that find their way to the nation’s streets, (3) a system that relies on the young, (4) having a role in foreign conflicts causing population displacements, and (5) increasingly a source for recruits of color, it becomes worthy of attention. It is easy to view the military as its own separate category of state-sponsored violence with minimal interactions with other forms of state violence due to the enormity of its influence.

The Global Racial Order

2019 ◽  
pp. 182-210
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Donahue-Ochoa
Keyword(s):  
Differential Diagnosis ◽  
Social Status ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Racial Group ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
East Asians ◽  
Global Society ◽  
Racial Injustice ◽  
The World

Chapter 7 offers a differential diagnosis of global racial injustice. Against Charles W. Mills’s theory that we live under global white supremacy, the chapter argues that the white racial group no longer dominates all other racial groups in the world. In particular, those raced as yellow by global society—roughly, East Asians and their descendants—are no longer dominated by racial whites and whiteness. More than this, the supreme political and social status enjoyed by whites over all other racial groups is also waning. The chapter therefore argues that our global racial order is best understood as a system of “partitioned white primacy.” In this system, racial whites exert racial primacy over racial reds, browns, and blacks; but the system is partitioned, because whites do not exert such primacy over those raced as yellow. Moreover, such primacy as whites do exert over other racial groups is less than supremacy, and it is even now being challenged. The chapter then shows how such primacy still suppresses resistance and thereby makes all unfree.

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