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2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Jansson

This article deals with the theological concept "Kingdom of God" in pre-1848 German political thought, more specifically in the texts of three political authors of the era: Wilhelm Weitling, Friedrich Julius Stahl, and Karl Theodor Welcker. The article is located in the nexus between theology and history of political thought, and has three main aims: First, in a gen­eral sense, it discusses and applies Amos Funkenstein's idea of laymen theology and Jan-Werner Müller's notion of in-between figures. Second, using these, it gives an example how theology has been an active language in the formation of modern political thought, more specifically the modern political ideologies of liberalism, socialism, and conservatism. Third, it tries to complement existing studies of temporality and theology in the mod­ern period, most notably the work of Jayne Svenungsson. Methodologically, in focusing and historicizing one specific concept, it connects to the theories of Reinhart Koselleck. The article shows how the Kingdom of God was differently conceived by authors of different political positions, but, more importantly, discusses how it became an active theological concept, used by laymen, in a political context obsessed with questions of historical change, the possibility of societal perfection, and the role of Christianity in the world.

2021 ◽  

Historians of political thought and international lawyers have both expanded their interest in the formation of the present global order. History, Politics, Law is the first express encounter between the two disciplines, juxtaposing their perspectives on questions of method and substance. The essays throw light on their approaches to the role of politics and the political in the history of the world beyond the single polity. They discuss the contrast between practice and theory as well as the role of conceptual and contextual analyses in both fields. Specific themes raised for both disciplines include statehood, empires and the role of international institutions, as well as the roles of economics, innovation and gender. The result is a vibrant cross-section of contrasts and parallels between the methods and practices of the two disciplines, demonstrating the many ways in which both can learn from each other.


Giuseppe Mazzini – Italian patriot, humanist, and republican – was one of the most celebrated and revered political activists and thinkers of the 19th century. This volume compares and contrasts the perception of his thought and the transformation of his image across the world. Mazzini's contribution to the Italian Risorgimento was unparalleled; he stood for a ‘religion of humanity’; he argued against tyranny, and for universal education, a democratic franchise, and the liberation of women. The chapters in this book reflect the range of Mazzini's political thought, discussing his vision of international relations, his concept of the nation, and the role of the arts in politics. They detail how his writings and reputation influenced nations and leaders across Europe, the Americas, and India. The book links the study of political history to the history of art, literature and religion, modern nationalism, and the history of democracy.


2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-49
Author(s):  
Katherine H. Bullock

This paper explores the construction of the canon of political theory. I argue that the interpretation of the canon that defines ancient pagan Greeks as the founders of western political thought, includes medieval Christian thinkers, and yet defines out Muslim and Jewish philosophers is based upon western eth­nocentric secular assumptions about the proper role of reason, experience and revelation in philosophical thinking.


Author(s):  
Daniel Waley

Nicolai Rubinstein was appointed to a Lectureship at Westfield College (University of London) in 1945, which was to be his academic home up to the time of his retirement in 1978 (he was promoted to Reader in 1962 and to Professor in 1965). At Westfield he taught European history 400–1500 ad, the History of Political Thought from the classical to the early modern period, and a ‘special subject’ (studied in Italian texts) ‘Florence and the Renaissance, 1464–1532’. He also, from 1949, conducted a weekly seminar at the London University Institute of Historical Research and came to have close links with the Warburg Institute. In his Westfield years Rubinstein supervised a considerable number of doctoral candidates and many of these pupils are now familiar names in the world of Renaissance studies.


Author(s):  
Krzystof Małysa

Messianism is generally a belief in Messiah, who will come and change the relations inthe world. Messianism has taken many different forms, depending on the political andenvironmental conditions. Polish researcher, Andrzej Walicki, claimes that literature onthe issue has a tendency to use this term in a broad sense, including a conviction about thespecific role of the nation. From this viewpoint, the idea of Poland as “bulwark of Christianity”and then the nineteenth century beliefs in the mission of our nation should be considered asa kind of Messianism. Yet Walicki is a follower of a narrow definition, but many researchers,such as Jacob Talmon, use the term as a general descriptive concept. The term of Messianismis a simplification which makes the extension of the research possible and it enables to finda general plane of understanding this term. Polish romantic Messianism wasn’t a school, but rather a spontaneous expression after the treaty of third partition and then the collapse ofthe November Uprising. A growing popularity of messianism marked of the 20th century.Messianism claimed that the Polish nation should initiate the new organising of internationalrelations, propagating moral values in politics. Polish messianism was composed ofcatholicism, specifically polish myths, exacerbated nationalism. Now, messianic ideologymerges description and prescription according to a common sense of entrenched myths andspecific social demands.Key words: History of political thought, messianism, utopia


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-167
Author(s):  
Ioannis D. Evrigenis

I would like to thank Ivan Ermakoff for his comments and Jeff Isaac for inviting us to participate in this critical exchange about our work. As Ermakoff points out, the continuity of negative association in the history of political thought is striking, and this continuity is an important part of my argument about the role of negative association in collective action and the lessons that ought to be drawn from this. The precise nature, extent, and limits of this continuity, however, are indispensable parts of my story, ones that Ermakoff leaves out. As I note in Fear of Enemies and Collective Action, when one looks more closely, one realizes that the genealogy of negative association consists of episodes of action and reaction. The thinkers I study agree about much, but they also disagree quite strongly. Taken together, the continuity and disagreement show that it is a mistake to consider the discourse, as Ermakoff does, to be simply atemporal and represented by any single thinker.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (23) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Enkelejda Hamzaj

Is not easy to make in a few lines a presentation of Habermas's thinking regarding to public opinion in the history of political thought. One of the most interesting sections of all habermasian discussion – developed not only in his opera History and critiques of public opinion but in others too – lies in clarifying how the public opinion concept was evaluate by philosophers of different political orientations during the modern era. According to Habermas, to do this analysis should go under the tracks of Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant and Hegel. Some of these authors appreciate and value the role of the public opinion while others do not believe in its function. It is not a coincidence that the"classic" treatment of the public opinion concept culminates with Kant, the author, who is considered one of the greatest luminaries in Europe. While we find in Hegel a devaluation of the public opinion, compared with the science, and this depreciation is parallel to the depreciation of the civil society against the State. On the other side we will see other contemporary authors analysis regarding public opinion, like Nicola Matteuci and Giuseppe Bedeschi and their thoughts compared with Habermas thoughts. To understand the function of public opinion I will show its specific characteristics throughout history from the Greek polis up to the French Revolution and the creation of the bourgeoisie class.


2017 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Verne

Abstract. When Korf (2014) recently invited (critical) geographers to come to terms with the problematic heritage of our discipline, especially with respect to spatial political thought, he first of all drew our attention to the intellectual contributions of Martin Heidegger and Carl Schmitt. While he urges us to rethink our ongoing references to these key thinkers, especially in light of the rather strict avoidance of politically problematic figures within our own discipline, such as Haushofer and Ratzel, this article now wishes to address geography's (dis)engagement with its politically problematic heritage from the opposite angle: focusing on Friedrich Ratzel, it asks if we might have been too radical in condemning his work as only poison? What if the neglect of Ratzel has actually led to a moment where his ideas feature prominently in current geographical debates without us even noticing it? By drawing on his contributions to cultural geography and, in particular, the establishment of the cultural historical method and German diffusionism, this article takes up on this question and reflects on the (imagined/actual) role of Ratzel's scholarship in contemporary geography. By pointing out striking similarities to more recent discussions about mobility, materiality and relational space, it illustrates the contemporary, though widely unnoticed, (re)appearance of Ratzel's ideas, and uses this example to emphasize the need for more critical reflection concerning the history of our discipline as well as the complex ways in which political ideologies and intellectual reasoning relate to each other.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 04003
Author(s):  
Marina Shirokova

The article discusses the place and role of A. S. Pushkin in the history of Russian culture and political thought. Such a feature of the Russian picture of the world as “literary-centrism”, which is the primacy of the word, confidence in the word. Like other Russian writers, Pushkin’s works present a moral ideal, but he does not try to teach something, does not construct an ideal model, but simply shows an ideal in the unity of form and content. Further, the article traces the main stages of the evolution of the great poet’s political views: the Lyceum-Petersburg period; the period of the southern exile; the period of exile in Mikhailovsky; and the period of creative maturity in the last decade of his life. The ideological evolution of Pushkin is a transition from liberalism and revolutionism to conservatism and monarchism, combined with the idea of personal freedom. The author concludes that the political worldview of Pushkin organically combined the phenomena of power and freedom. The poet managed to “remove” the dialectical contradiction between them, which later became one of the main problems of Russian literature and philosophy.


Author(s):  
Joshua Foa Dienstag

This article describes the postmodern approach to the history of political thought that has evolved through the practices of a variety of theorists in both Europe and the United States since the 1950s. It maintains that Friedrich Nietzsche's philosophy is the originating point of this movement, although neither he nor any of the other theorists it mentions left any canonical statements of methods to compare with the works of Quentin Skinner or Leo Strauss. Terms such as “deconstruction,” “genealogy,” and “radical hermeneutics” are often used to describe these methods. At the broadest level, the postmodern approach displays an acute sensitivity to the role of language in politics, and in political theory itself, that originates in the work of Nietzsche. While postmodernism is nothing if not a congeries of method, this article argues that these diverse approaches have, if not a unity, than at least common sources and overlapping themes.


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