Die Gemeinden. Staatsbildung und kommunale Finanzen 1849–1914

Author(s):  
Thomas Buchner

Communities. State-Building and Communal Finances 1849–1914. Using the example of Lower Austria, this chapter examines the importance of municipalities in the move towards state capitalism under the Habsburg Monarchy. The establishment of “free” (semi-autonomous) municipalities in 1849 was tantamount to the assumption of state duties on the local level. As an analysis of municipal finances shows, from the second half of the 19th century onwards, municipalities played a decisive role in the expansion of infrastructure (water supply, hospitals, etc.). However, the municipalities were not able to draw on central government funding in this process. That it was nevertheless possible for them to meet the increasing state demands was largely due to the fact that solutions to problems with financing could be negotiated locally. (Another reason was mounting municipal debt.) Taking this issue as its point of departure, this chapter argues that the development of governance on the local level was made possible not least by the mobilization of non-governmental resources in the form of associations, clubs, etc.

Author(s):  
Borbála Zsuzsanna Török

State Knowledge and State Building. Descriptive Statistics in Lower Austria 1790–1848. This chapter analyses the Lower Austrian statistical practice at the end of the 18th and in the early 19th century in its broader scientific and administrative context by focusing on the creation of a statistical-topographic collection on the regional level. The collection’s format demonstrates the existence of hitherto unexplored connections between academic Staatenkunde and topography as complementary methods of the contemporary sciences of the state. On the administrative level, the collection highlights the similarly unexplored regional level in statistical data management in the Habsburg Monarchy during the first half of the long 19th century. The changing formats of data collection reveal the process by which regional elites adapted to the cadastral and statistical efforts of the central government during the Franciscan period, as well as its public use. Ultimately, the history of the collection exemplifies the intertwined regional and central levels of state-building, in which the regional participants held considerable infrastructural powers.


Author(s):  
Filip Ejdus

When, how, why, and to what effect did the military involve itself in Serbia’s politics? Due to its decisive role in national liberation and state-building, the Serbian military has always enjoyed high societal reputation. Since the 19th century, the military also played an important role of a nation-builder and social elevator for the lower strata of society. However, Serbia also has a very long tradition of military involvement in politics with several coups that decisively shaped the course of national history. Since the outset of Serbia’s state-building in the first half of the 19th century, Serbia experienced four successful military coups and many occasions when its armed forces were used to quash domestic unrest. The reasons behind the robust involvement of armed forces in Serbian (and Yugoslav politics) have been diverse and ranged from an ambition to provide internal stability and defend national or corporate interests to a desire to change the country’s foreign policy orientation. Since the end of the Cold War, the military played an ambiguous role on some occasions undermining democracy, while on others being an agent of democratic transformation. Since 2006, the military of Serbia has been placed under civilian democratic control and seems to have internalized its role of a politically neutral and professional force with a mission to defend the country, support civilian authorities in the event of emergency, and contribute to international peace and security. Still, the ongoing democratic backsliding, the lack of clarity about the state’s strategic outlook, and the still unresolved status of Serbia’s former province Kosovo all preserve the potential for civil-military tensions in the future.


Author(s):  
Amin Tarzi

Since its inception as a separate political entity in 1747, Afghanistan has been embroiled in almost perpetual warfare, but it has never been ruled directly by the military. From initial expansionist military campaigns to involvement in defensive, civil, and internal consolidation campaigns, the Afghan military until the mid-19th century remained mainly a combination of tribal forces and smaller organized units. The central government, however, could only gain tenuous monopoly over the use of violence throughout the country by the end of the 19th century. The military as well as Afghan society remained largely illiterate and generally isolated from the prevailing global political and ideological trends until the middle of the 20th century. Politicization of Afghanistan’s military began in very small numbers after World War II with Soviet-inspired communism gaining the largest foothold. Officers associated with the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan were instrumental in two successful coup d’états in the country. In 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, ending the country’s sovereignty and ushering a period of conflict that continues to the second decade of the 21st century in varying degrees. In 2001, the United States led an international invasion of the country, catalyzing efforts at reorganization of the smaller professional Afghan national defense forces that have remained largely apolitical and also the country’s most effective and trusted governmental institution.


2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pascale Ghazaleh

AbstractIn this article, I argue that commercial legislation promulgated and implemented in Egypt during the first half of the 19th century was one of several factors that diminished the effect of merchants’ social networks, reduced merchants’ identity to a purely professional dimension, and made profit dependent upon association with the state. The transformation of merchants’ social roles was not part of a natural evolution toward modernization and the specialized division of labor. Rather, it resulted from interactions between state-building endeavors, pressures from established merchants who sought to parry threats to their position while profiting from new business opportunities, and an influx of merchants from outside the Ottoman sultanate, who could draw neither on personal connections nor on knowledge of local markets but instead had to depend on the protection of the European consulates and the influence of the growing Egyptian state apparatus.


2013 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Reiter

AbstractThe present article focuses on court interpreters at the Imperial court of Vienna, who were employed in the Habsburg Monarchy from the early 16th century until the end of the 19th century. Based on the methodological concepts of professional intercultures introduced by Anthony Pym the article discusses the question whether or not court interpreters formed a professional group at the court. Different aspects of their profession such as competencies, remuneration, duties, reputation and their place in the organization of the court are discussed. For the application of Anthony Pyms model it will be shown that two main components, time and the intern differentiation of the group, are necessary to apply the model on a professional group like the court interpreters that was a highly complex group characterized by strong changes throughout their existence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 147 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-416
Author(s):  
Zuzana Kudzbelová

Slovak scholars maintained close contacts with the Czech milieu in the 19th century, for which there are several reasons (for example, the historical background, related to the issue of language and religion, the political situation in the Habsburg Monarchy). This paper sheds light on certain types of cooperation which took place between Czech and Slovak scholars between the years 1850 and 1882: cooperation in the field of journalism, publishing and editing the first Czech encyclopaedia.


The article is devoted to a major change of meaning of the word "sophist" (σοφιστής) in the testimonies of ancient authors. Initially term “sophist” was applied to various groups of people - poets, rhapsodes, sages and legislators were called sophists, it was synonymous with the word "sage" (σοφός). But in the middle of the 5th century it was used to refer only to the teachers of virtue and rhetoric, which appeared in Greece and began to call themselves sophists following Protagoras. Most or all of the fifth-century sophists tend to require a fee, to travel from city to city, to educate young people, promising to teach virtue and rhetoric. The influence of Plato in determination and evaluation of the sophists played a decisive role. In his dialogues, Plato calls Protagoras, Gorgias, Hippias and others as sophists. Besides that, Plato gave the word σοφιστής all well-known negative connotations, among them a liar and a charlatan. Negative assessments of the activities of the sophists persisted until the middle of the 19th century, until the English historian of Antiquity George Grote began a long process of their rehabilitation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1/2020) ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
Marie Therese Mundsperger

Although it is largely unknown, women had some voting rights in the 19th century in the Habsburg monarchy, especially the right to vote in the municipality and on the provincial level. Suffrage at that time was based on the two pillars of property and education rather than gender. It was undisputed for a long time that women could get the right to vote due to their tax payments. The fact that women could also be included into the ‘intelligence’ electoral class was controversial, as shown by some decisions by the Austrian high courts. It was only towards the end of the 19th century that the gender criterion began to prevail in election regulations and women were increasingly excluded from the right to vote, which led to the emergence of the Austrian women’s movement. The monarchy fell in 1918 and the granting of universal women’s voting rights was finally embodied in the proclamation of the Austrian republic on 12 November 1918.


Author(s):  
M. M. Cherekhovich

The article investigates the process of development of the system of punishments applied without isolation from society in the Russian criminal law during the period from the 9th century till 1917. On the basis of the analysis of the most important written sources of law, the author concludes that deprivation of liberty had not been applied as a type of criminal punishment until the 16th century. The type of punishment under consideration had the features of an ecclesiastical and repentant penalty. The leading role in the system of punishment was assigned to various types of fines, monetary penalties, mutilation (maiming) penalties and death penalty. Sentences alternative to deprivation of liberty were commonly used during the reign of Peter the Great for the purpose of using convicts in state-building facilities. The tendency to punish minor crimes by imposing monetary penalties or public works instead of imprisonment was initiated during the reign of Catherine the Second and was finally outlined by the middle of the 19th century. Until 1917, types of punishment that did not envisaged isolation from society prevailed in the Russian system of criminal penalties.


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