scholarly journals Enredando Famílias: Estado e Família no Povoamento do Solo Nacional

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jair De Souza Ramos

O caso analisado neste artigo revela um projeto de ação no qual poder estatal e poder doméstico parecem se reforçar mutuamente. Abordo aqui um dos aspectos da política de Povoamento do Solo Nacional, mais especificamente as práticas dirigidas à constituição de cadeias de autoridade através da apropriação das estruturas de auto-organização dos imigrantes e colonos, isto é, suas estruturas familiares. Estas práticas punham as famílias de imigrantes e colonos no centro do empreendimento de atração de imigrantes e montagem de colônias. A análise tem como referência o argumento de que as políticas de imigração e colonização jogaram um papel no interior de processos mais amplos de formação de Estados Nacionais. Papel que envolve, entre outros aspectos, o uso de técnicas de poder que, ao conformarem um campo de ações dos agentes que eram objeto destas políticas, contribuíram à construção da autoridade pública do governo federal. Assim, tento mostrar como a família é tomada como objeto e instrumento da ação estatal, na busca pela construção de autoridade pública. Entangling families: State and Family in the Population of National Land Abstract The particular case analyzed in this article reveals a project of action in which state and domestic powers seem to mutually reinforce each other. It is considered here one aspect of the “Populating National Land” policy, more specifically the practices aiming to the constitution of authority chains through the appropriation of auto-organizing structures of immigrants and colonizers, namely, family structures. These practices placed immigrant and colonizers´ families at the center of the enterprise of immigrant attraction and the building up of colonies. This analysis has as its reference the contention that immigration and e colonization policies have played a role at the interior of more ample processes of National State formation. This role involves, among other aspects, the use of power techniques that, by making up a field of actions of those who were the object of these policies, have contributed to the construction of the public authority of the federal government. It is therefore shown how the family is taken both as an object and an instrument of state action, in the search for the construction of public authority.

ICR Journal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 532-535
Author(s):  
Alina Zvinkliene

The issues of ‘honour’ - and in particular honour-related crimes - in modern societies undisputedly need more public reflection and discussion, especially at the meeting points of different cultures. The ‘concept of honour and shame’ - although not the only factor - is very important for understanding the background of domestic violence. This applies also - although in no way exclusively - to those Muslim family structures that are based on particular cultural traditions. The division of honour into ‘true’ and ‘artificial’ honours indicates that honour can be used to legitimate the hierarchy between members of the family. From a sociological perspective, the minimalist definition refers to honour as a right to respect. This means that honour exists both subjectively and objectively. It exists subjectively as a personal feeling as being entitled to respect. However, it exists also objectively as a public recognition of the public value of the individual. Honour/dishonour-shame always has a form of publicity.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayo Kehinde

Various literary critics have dwelt on the nature, tenets and trends of commitment in Nigerian literature. However, there is paucity of studies on the imaginative narration of the impediments facing the actualization of the public sphere in postcolonial Nigeria. This paper examines the strategies and techniques of representing the failed promise of the public sphere in postcolonial Nigerian fiction, using the examples provided by Chinua Achebe’s Anthills of the Savannah, Ben Okri’s The Famished Road and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus. The methodology involves a close reading of the selected texts, using Jurgen Habermas’ Public Sphere as analytical concept. In the selected novels, Nigeria is depicted as a country where the rulers disallow the existence of the ‘public sphere’, which is supposed to provide a liminal space among the private realms of civil society and the family, as well as the sphere of public authority. This is disclosed in the refusal of the characters, who typify the rulers, to disregard status altogether.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 296-302
Author(s):  
Dao Nhan Loi ◽  
Vu Dinh Thong

The internationally renowned Muong Phang Cultural and Historical Site is located in the Dien Bien Phu region, northwestern Vietnam, and has received special attention from the public because of its great biodiversity. This site has a large forest area and other habitats including lakes, streams, rivers and paddyfield. These habitats would be ideal homes for bats and other biological taxa. However, in general, the wildlife of the Muong Phang Cultural and Historical Site receives little attention from scientists and authorities. Between 2014 and 2016, we conducted  series of surveys for bats in Muong Phang. Bat capture and sound recordings were the main procedure to obtain materials and data necessary for the assessment of diversity and conservation status. The results of the surveys this time revealed that there are 19 species of bats belonging to 7 genera, 5 families in the study area. Of these, a Myotis sp. is different from all the previously recorded Myotis bats from Vietnam, and, a Rhinolophus sp. is different from every described species of the family Rhinolophidae. This paper provides the first records of bats from Muong Phang with remarks on their taxonomy and conservation status.   Citation: Dao Nhan Loi, Vu Dinh Thong, 2017. First records of bats (Mammalia: Chiroptera) from Muong Phang cultural and historical site, Dien Bien province, Northwestern Vietnam. Tap chi Sinh hoc, 39(3): 296-302. DOI: 10.15625/0866-7160/v39n3.10641. *Corresponding author: [email protected]. Received 29 August 2017, accepted 10 September 2017 


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Keon Artis ◽  
Seung Hyun Lee

Volunteers are considered a core component of special events and they have proved to be an asset to the execution of special events. Although motivations of volunteers have received a great deal of attention from many organizations and individuals in the private sector, little research has been done on motivations of volunteers in the public sector, or within the federal government. Therefore, this article identified motivational factors that prompt federal government workers to volunteer at a government-related special event. A survey was used to gather data from a volunteer sample of 263 individuals who had volunteered for public sector special events in recent years. Exploratory factor analysis and t test were employed to establish motivations that stimulate public sector employees to volunteer for special events and further determine the differences in motivation between females and males. The results showed that government workers mostly volunteer for purposive motive and external motive. In addition, gender played significant roles on egotistic and purposive motives. Thus, this research provides a unique theoretical contribution to research in event management by advancing our understanding of the process by which factors associated with motivation can lead to federal government workers volunteering at a government-related special event; subsequently, impacting how event planners and organizers of public sector special events market to and recruit volunteers.


Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko

The authors conclude the book by recapping their arguments and empirical results, and discussing the possibilities for the “new economic populism” to promote egalitarian economic outcomes in the face of continuing gridlock and the dominance of Washington, DC’s policymaking institutions by business and the wealthy, and a conservative Republican Party. Many states are actually addressing inequality now, and these policies are working. Admittedly, many states also continue to embrace the policies that have contributed to growing inequality, such as tax cuts for the wealthy or attempting to weaken labor unions. But as the public grows more concerned about inequality, the authors argue, policies that help to address these income disparities will become more popular, and policies that exacerbate inequality will become less so. Over time, if history is a guide, more egalitarian policies will spread across the states, and ultimately to the federal government.


Author(s):  
Pierre Pestieau ◽  
Mathieu Lefebvre

This chapter looks at the role of the public versus the private sector in the provision of insurance against social risks. After having discussed the evolution of the role of the family as support in the first place, the specificity of social insurance is emphasized in opposition to private insurance. Figures show the extent of spending on both private and public insurance and the chapter presents economic reasons to why the latter is more developed than the former. Issues related to moral hazard and adverse selection are addressed. The chapter also discusses somewhat more general arguments supporting social insurance such as population ageing, unemployment, fiscal competition and social dumping.


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

As it had been in the communal age, so, in the Visconti-Sforza era, law was the instrument that the public authority relied upon in order to subordinate the many actors present and to subjugate their political cultures. There is, therefore, the attempt to tighten a vice around competing powers—a vice that is at the same time legislative, doctrinal, and judicial. And yet, it is difficult to escape the impression of an effort whose outcomes were somewhat more uncertain than had been the case in the past. The chapter focuses on all these aspects of the deployment of legal and other stratagems to consolidate or to wrest power.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136843102098713
Author(s):  
David Martínez ◽  
Alexander Elliott

According to David Miller, immigration is not a human right. Conversely, Kieran Oberman makes a case for immigration as a human right. We agree with the latter view, but we show that its starting point is mistaken. Indeed, both Miller and Oberman discuss the right to immigration within the liberal paradigm: it is a right or not depending on the correct balance between the interests of the citizens of a given national state and the interests of the immigrants. Instead, we claim that public justification can underpin immigration as a human right. That said, the public justification of the right to immigration has several counterarguments to rebut. Before we deal with that issue, relying on Jürgen Habermas’s social theory, we examine the legal structures that could support the right to immigration in practice. To be sure, this does not provide the normative justification needed, instead it shows the framework that allows the institutional realization of this right. Then, through a combination of civic and cosmopolitan forms of solidarity, the article discusses the formation of a public sphere, which could provide the justification of the right to immigration.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-204
Author(s):  
Boga Thura Manatsha

There are rising public concerns about the acquisition of prime land by non-citizens/foreigners in Botswana, especially in the sprawling urban and peri-urban areas. Indians, Nigerians and Chinese, among others, are allegedly involved in such land transactions. There is a salient local resentment towards them and/or such transactions. Sensational media reports, emotive public statements by politicians, chiefs and government officials, and anger from ordinary citizens dominate the discourse. These emotive public debates about this issue warrant some academic comment. This article argues that the acquisition of land by foreigners in Botswana, in each land category—tribal, state and freehold—is legally allowed by the relevant laws. But this does not mean that citizens have no right to raise concerns and/or show their disapproval of some of these legal provisions. Aware of the public outcry, the government has since passed the Land Policy in 2015, revised in 2019, and amended the Tribal Land Act in 2018, not yet operational, to try and strictly regulate the acquisition of land by non-citizens. There is no readily available statistical data, indicating the ownership of land by foreigners in each land category. This issue is multifaceted and needs to be cautiously handled, lest it breeds xenophobia or the anti-foreigner sentiments.


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