The British Army of the Rhine

Author(s):  
Peter Speiser

Between 1945 and 1957, West Germany made a dizzying pivot from Nazi bastion to Britain's Cold War ally against the Soviet Union. Successive London governments, though often faced with bitter public and military opposition, tasked the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) to serve as a protecting force while strengthening West German integration into the Western defense structure. This book charts the BAOR's fraught transformation from occupier to ally by looking at the charged nexus where British troops and their families interacted with Germany's civilian population. Examining the relationship on many levels, the book ranges from how British mass media representations of Germany influenced BAOR troops to initiatives taken by the Army to improve relations. It also weighs German perceptions, surveying clashes between soldiers and civilians and comparing the popularity of the British services with that of the other occupying powers. As the book shows, the BAOR's presence did not improve the relationship between British servicemen and the German populace, but it did prevent further deterioration during a crucial and dangerous period of the early Cold War. An incisive look at an under-researched episode, this book sheds new light on Anglo-German diplomatic, political, and social relations after 1945, and evaluates their impact on the wider context of European integration in the postwar era.

Author(s):  
Benjamin Tromly

During the height of the Cold War in the 1950s, the United States government unleashed covert operations intended to weaken the Soviet Union. As part of these efforts, the CIA undertook support of Russian exiles, populations uprooted either during World War II or by the Russian Revolution decades before. No one seemed better prepared to fight in the American secret war against communism than the uprooted Russians, whom the CIA directed to carry out propaganda, espionage, and subversion operations from their home base in West Germany. Yet the American engagement of Russian exiles had unpredictable outcomes. Drawing on recently declassified and previously untapped sources, Cold War Exiles and the CIA examines how the CIA’s Russian operations became entangled with the internal struggles of Russia abroad and also the espionage wars of the superpowers in divided Germany. What resulted was a transnational political sphere involving different groups of Russian exiles, American and German anti-communists, and spies operating on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Inadvertently, CIA’s patronage of Russian exiles forged a complex sub-front in the wider Cold War, demonstrating the ways in which the hostilities of the Cold War played out in ancillary conflicts involving proxies and non-state actors.


Author(s):  
John W. Young ◽  
John Kent

This chapter examines US–Soviet relations during the Cold War as well as the question of the genuineness of efforts by the United States and the Soviet Union to achieve disarmament and resolve troublesome disputes. It begins with a discussion of the German question, noting that Germany’s future position was vital to the future of Europe and a particular concern of the Soviets. It then considers the progress of arms control and peace efforts by the United States and the Soviet Union, before concluding with an analysis of the relationship of arms control to the use of armaments in hot war and to some aspects of fighting the Cold War.


2003 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 33-36
Author(s):  
William I. Hitchcock

Three scholars offer separate responses to the article by Michael Creswell and Marc Trachtenberg. The responses include some common points, but they diverge sharply in other respects. The first two respondents generally agree with the conclusions reached by Creswell and Trachtenberg, but one of them believes that the article goes too far (in its contention that France's anxiety about the Soviet Union eclipsed its concerns about Germany), whereas the other argues that the article does not go far enough in showing how the United States adapted its policy to accommodate French leaders. The second respondent also questions whether Creswell and Trachtenberg have added anything new to the latest “revisionist” works on French-German relations in the first decade of Cold War. The third respondent, unlike the first two, rejects the main thrust of the article by Creswell and Trachtenberg and seeks to defend the traditional view that France was very reluctant to go along with U.S. and British policies on the German question. This respondent also questions whether Creswell and Trachtenberg have focused on the most appropriate sources of evidence.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Drake

This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Abdullah Akat

Crimea is now an autonomous parliamentary republic which is governed by the Constitution of Crimea in accordance with the laws of Ukraine. But, Crimea has been home to different nations during the history, as a result of the cultural wealth and thisfactor has been moved to today patterns. Crimean Tatars is one of the important parts of this wealth. The Crimean Tatars were forcibly expelled to Central Asia by Joseph Stalin's government after II. World War. After the fall of the Soviet Union, some Crimean Ta began to return to the region. Now, Crimean Tatars, an ethnic minority in Crimea and make up about 13% of the population. So, Crimean Tatars’ music must be evaluated in two periods. Before exile and after exile. There are many networks in the music of Crimea, and these networks can continue their existence even in small villages. On the other hand, the effects of popular culture increasing on Crimean Tatars music. The aim of this paper is to explain the musical differences in the process of change Crimean Tatars from generation to generation; define the effects of the people, places and mass media that cause them, observe them in daily practice and analyze these type of issues.


Author(s):  
Robert Edelman ◽  
Anke Hilbrenner ◽  
Susan Brownell

This article examines sport in the Soviet Union, East Germany, and China. Despite the early Soviet emphasis on mass physical culture, high-performance sport was the priority of these regimes and all three notionally used ‘amateurism’ to enhance national prestige. Having started out as opponents of Olympism, all three at different times came to prioritize winning medals at the Olympic Games. Despite similarities in the organization of sport—the state played a significant role and ties to the military and police were strong in all three countries—there were significant differences between them: China rejected competitive sport for much of the Mao era, whereas sport was one arena in which the GDR outshone West Germany. The article shows that during the Cold War sport was as much an arena of competition between socialist states as it was between the capitalist and communist worlds.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Marten Hanura

Russia or formerly known as the Soviet Union has a historically unique cooperation and diplomatic relations with Indonesia. This is because the relationship between Indonesia and Russia has a long history and experiencing ups and downs. The closeness of the two countries was influenced ideologically in the early days of Indonesian independence, and later the rise of the New Order regime influenced the dynamics of Indonesian foreign policy. During the New Order period, the Indonesian government began to freeze all forms of cooperative relations with the Soviet Union. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War era began to change the map of international politics to affect the situation in Indonesia. In the Post-Reformation era, the normalization of relations between the two countries recovered and lasted until the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The purpose of this article is to find out how the changes in the implementation of the foreign policy of Indonesia-Russia during the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with the previous era and what factors underlie Indonesia's foreign policy towards Russia. This research uses the descriptive-analytical method and using some theoretical concepts in the foreign policy-making process. The results of this study concluded that foreign policy between Indonesia and Russia increased significantly in the Post-Reformation era which no longer saw Russia as a threat as in the New Order era. The cooperation between Indonesia and Russia is implemented in various main areas, prominently is the cooperation in the field of military, social, economic and political.


Author(s):  
Bent Boel

Bent Boel: Western Journalism and Soviet Bloc Dissidents During the Cold War: Themes, Approaches, Theses The role of journalism in international relations is a field which increasingly is attracting scholars’ attention. Cold War history is no exception in that regard. This article tries to identify themes, approaches and theses in the emerging literature dealing with Western journalists’ role in the Soviet Bloc during the Cold War. It more particularly discusses an issue which figures prominently in the new scholarship, namely the relationship between Western journalists and Soviet Bloc dissidents. Reflecting the bias of the literature, most examples draw on the Soviet case. The bulk of the literature on Cold War journalism discusses American (subsidiarily British) journalists in the Soviet Union and West German journalists in either the USSR or the GDR. As is shown in the article, a number of recent publications have contributed to our understanding of Western journalism in the Soviet Union and the GDR. They have, among other things, thrown new light on the working conditions of the journalists, their role as political actors, and in particular their relationship with Soviet Bloc dissidents. However, it also seems clear that we need substantially more research before we can draw firmer conclusions concerning these themes. An illustrative example could be the relationship between journalists and dissidents. One thesis developed in the new literature is that Western journalists developed a close relationship with Soviet dissidents in the late 1960s and early 1970s. To the extent that this is correct, it is an important finding, which to some degree relativizes the much celebrated impact of the so-called Helsinki process. However, it raises a number of questions. In particular, a number of contemporary testimonies point to a less homogeneous view of the Moscow correspondents: their reactions to the dissidents differed considerably and, presumably, so did their newspapers reports. And there are rather conflicting views on the attitudes of different groups of journalists. Such issues certainly deserve further investigation. In addition, a major problem with the existing literature is that it overwhelmingly focuses on the Soviet Union while ignoring other Soviet Bloc countries. Apart from the special case of West German journalism in the GDR, very little has been written about Western Journalism in Eastern Europe during the Cold War. Still another lacuna is the analysis of the journalistic output and its reception. While there are studies of media coverage of specific issues, more thorough and larger studies are required if we are to understand the possible impact of the media on international relations in this period, including, as some claim, on the ending of the Cold War.


Author(s):  
Ekaterina Reva ◽  
Tatiana Ogorodnikova ◽  
Tatiana Mikhailova ◽  
Darya Arekhina ◽  
Sergei Kubrin

Bringing up to date the issue of mass media typology, the authors of the article research such line of modern journalism as gastronomic journalism. As far as this topic has not been studied well enough yet, journalistic periodicals (social and political, business, geographical, gastronomic magazines, tabloids for men and women), television programs (“Rare People” at the channel “My Planet”, “Russia, My Love!” at the channel ‘Russia-Culture”, the content of breakfast broadcasting of “the First Channel”) and the multimedia project of the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union “This is Caucasus” (section “A Good Taste”) are analyzed. The objective of the article is to determine the subject thematic range of gastronomic journalism, by studying the gastronomic content of mass media, and also to consider the functions of gastronomic journalism in the context of Media representations of peoples’ ethnic culture, namely of the indigenous minorities of Russia and of the North Caucasus peoples. In the course of the analysis, the features of the gastronomic topic in the representation context of the Russia peoples’ ethnic culture are revealed, the role of gastronomic journalism in terms of implementation of the strategy objectives of the Russian Federation State National Policy for the period up to 2025 as far as spreading knowledge about the peoples’ history and culture is concerned. To determine the effective resources of gastronomic journalism such methods and approaches as system, semiotic, cultural, typological and content analysis are used. A definition of gastronomic journalism, which determines the direction of studies of mass media and media in general, is given in this article. The authors come to the conclusion that not only recreational, advertising and informative but also cultural and educational functions of journalism are implemented through the gastronomic topic. Moreover, the importance of studying gastronomic journalism for education of journalism students and future caterers is considered in the article. A topical issue of gastronomic journalism development in Russian regions is emphasized.


2003 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Padgett ◽  
Beatrice Allen

This paper investigates the purpose of society's construction of ‘others’ through the gaze of the mass media. During times of crisis, the paper argues, Western mass media are faced with an irreconcilable paradox: the simultaneous demand for, and denial of, a fear-inspiring other (the Soviet Union, Al Qaeda, etc.) This paradigm of otherness was overcome in the period post-Cold War and pre-9/11 as the US media was able to demonise ‘others’ at home — the war on drugs, for example. The question this paper will address, then, is: what are the motives driving the US mass media towards an other constructed along lines similar to the Soviet-era other? Who is to ‘blame’ for this phenomenon — the media, or the society in which these media operate?


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