scholarly journals Subject and Thematic Field of Gastronomic Journalism: from Entertaining Content to the Issues of Russian National Policy

Author(s):  
Ekaterina Reva ◽  
Tatiana Ogorodnikova ◽  
Tatiana Mikhailova ◽  
Darya Arekhina ◽  
Sergei Kubrin

Bringing up to date the issue of mass media typology, the authors of the article research such line of modern journalism as gastronomic journalism. As far as this topic has not been studied well enough yet, journalistic periodicals (social and political, business, geographical, gastronomic magazines, tabloids for men and women), television programs (“Rare People” at the channel “My Planet”, “Russia, My Love!” at the channel ‘Russia-Culture”, the content of breakfast broadcasting of “the First Channel”) and the multimedia project of the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union “This is Caucasus” (section “A Good Taste”) are analyzed. The objective of the article is to determine the subject thematic range of gastronomic journalism, by studying the gastronomic content of mass media, and also to consider the functions of gastronomic journalism in the context of Media representations of peoples’ ethnic culture, namely of the indigenous minorities of Russia and of the North Caucasus peoples. In the course of the analysis, the features of the gastronomic topic in the representation context of the Russia peoples’ ethnic culture are revealed, the role of gastronomic journalism in terms of implementation of the strategy objectives of the Russian Federation State National Policy for the period up to 2025 as far as spreading knowledge about the peoples’ history and culture is concerned. To determine the effective resources of gastronomic journalism such methods and approaches as system, semiotic, cultural, typological and content analysis are used. A definition of gastronomic journalism, which determines the direction of studies of mass media and media in general, is given in this article. The authors come to the conclusion that not only recreational, advertising and informative but also cultural and educational functions of journalism are implemented through the gastronomic topic. Moreover, the importance of studying gastronomic journalism for education of journalism students and future caterers is considered in the article. A topical issue of gastronomic journalism development in Russian regions is emphasized.

Author(s):  
James H. Meyer

The history of Muslim populations in Russia and other former republics of the Soviet Union is long and varied. In a Pew–Templeton poll conducted in Russia in 2010, 10 percent of respondents stated that their religion was Islam, while Muslims also make up a majority of the population in six post-Soviet republics: Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Muslims have long lived in regions across Russia, with far-flung communities ranging from distant outposts of Siberia to western cities like Moscow and St. Petersburg. At the beginning of the 20th century, there were more Muslims in the Russian Empire than there were in Iran or the Ottoman Empire, the two largest independent Muslim-majority states in the world at the time. Historically, the Muslim communities of Russia have been concentrated in four main regions: the Volga–Ural region in central Russia, the Crimea, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. While Muslim communities across former Soviet space share both differences and similarities with one another with regard to language and religious practices, their respective relations with the various Russian states that have existed over the years have varied. Moreover, Russian and Soviet policymaking toward all of these communities has shifted considerably from one era, and one ruler, to another. Throughout the imperial and Soviet eras, and extending into the post-Soviet era up to the present day, therefore, the existence of variations with regard to both era and region remains one of the most enduring legacies of Muslim–state interactions. Muslims in Russia vary by traditions, language, ethnicity, religious beliefs, and practices, and with respect to their historical interactions with the Russian state. The four historically Muslim-inhabited regions were incorporated into the Russian state at different points during its imperial history, often under quite sharply contrasting sets of conditions. Today most, but not all, Muslims in Russia and the rest of the former USSR are Sunni, although the manner and degree to which religion is practiced varies greatly among both communities and individuals. With respect to language, Muslim communities in Russia have traditionally been dominated demographically by Turkic speakers, although it should be noted that most Turkic languages are not mutually comprehensible in spoken form. In the North Caucasus and Tajikistan, the most widely spoken indigenous languages are not Turkic, although in these areas there are Turkic-speaking minorities. Another important feature of Muslim–state interactions in Russia is their connection to Muslims and Muslim-majority states beyond Russia’s borders. Throughout the imperial era, Russia’s foreign policymaking vis-à-vis the Ottoman Empire and Iran was often intimately connected to domestic policymaking toward Muslim communities inside Russia. While this was a less pronounced feature of Moscow’s foreign policymaking during the Soviet era, in the post-Soviet era, policymaking toward Muslims domestically has once again become more closely linked to Russia’s foreign policy goals.


Author(s):  
Peter Speiser

Between 1945 and 1957, West Germany made a dizzying pivot from Nazi bastion to Britain's Cold War ally against the Soviet Union. Successive London governments, though often faced with bitter public and military opposition, tasked the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) to serve as a protecting force while strengthening West German integration into the Western defense structure. This book charts the BAOR's fraught transformation from occupier to ally by looking at the charged nexus where British troops and their families interacted with Germany's civilian population. Examining the relationship on many levels, the book ranges from how British mass media representations of Germany influenced BAOR troops to initiatives taken by the Army to improve relations. It also weighs German perceptions, surveying clashes between soldiers and civilians and comparing the popularity of the British services with that of the other occupying powers. As the book shows, the BAOR's presence did not improve the relationship between British servicemen and the German populace, but it did prevent further deterioration during a crucial and dangerous period of the early Cold War. An incisive look at an under-researched episode, this book sheds new light on Anglo-German diplomatic, political, and social relations after 1945, and evaluates their impact on the wider context of European integration in the postwar era.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmed Abdel-Hafez Fawaz

Czarist Russia, the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet Russia had a history of relations with their Muslims that varied between integration or coexistence and resistance or conflict. Russia had perpetually reaffirmed that its war in Chechnya in the 1990s was not against Muslims per se, but rather against terrorist groups that were attempting to disseminate their radical ideas in the Muslim Chechen Republic as well as throughout the other republics of the North Caucasus. From their standpoint Chechen fighters described the struggle as a new round of Russian efforts to bury Chechen demands for independence. Nevertheless, this historical experience of struggle also coincided with periods of peaceful coexistence witnessed in other regions such as the Volga and Ural River Basin. Thus, the question remains: what of the contemporary challenges faced by the Muslims of Russia in their relations with the state and their relations among themselves? This research seeks to answer the following questions: How is it that religious and sectarian tolerance came to predominate in Tatarstan but regressed in Chechnya and Dagestan? Why have relations between Sufis and Salafists been subject to increasing tensions in the North Caucasus? Do the tensions witnessed in Dagestan and Chechnya reflect a genuine sectarian struggle or is the matter more complicated than that? How has the Russian media impacted – positively or negatively – ethnic and sectarian relations within the state?


Author(s):  
Александр Стефанович Иващенко

Дезинтеграция гигантского по численности населения и территории, полиэтничного и поликонфессионального государства, каким был Советский Союз, изначально не могла пройти безболезненно и без потерь. Национальным политическим элитам бывших советских союзных республик, в целом благодаря выдержке и политической дальновидности, удалось избежать «кровавого развода» по «югославскому сценарию». Однако полностью предотвратить жёсткий конфликт интересов, переросший, к сожалению, в военные столкновения на постсоветском пространстве, не удалось. К Нагорному Карабаху, Приднестровью, Абхазии, Южной Осетии, ставшими «точками напряжения» на территории бывшего Советского Союза ещё в 90-е гг. ХХ в., во втором десятилетии ХХI столетия прибавился Донбасс. В статье предпринята попытка проанализировать мотивы и содержание политико-дипломатических действий России по отношению к развитию грузино-абхазского конфликта в постсоветский период и их последствия для Грузии и Абхазии. Автор вскрывает перипетии внутриполитической борьбы в российской политической элите в 90-е гг. ХХ в. при выработке политики Москвы по отношению к грузино-абхазскому конфликту. Затрагивается острая проблема совместимости принципа территориальной целостности полиэтничного государства с принципом права народов на самоопределение, вплоть до полного отделения. Поддержав Абхазию в конфликте с Грузией, Москва укрепила свой авторитет среди северокавказских народов, но ценой потери добрососедских отношений с Грузией. The disintegration of a large population and territory, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional state, as the Soviet Union was, could not initially go painlessly and without loss. The national political elites of the former Soviet Union republics, in general, thanks to endurance and political foresight, managed to avoid a "bloody divorce" like the "Yugoslav scenario". However, it was not possible to completely prevent a severe conflict of interest, which, unfortunately, grew into military clashes in the post-Soviet space. In the second decade of the 21st century, Donbass was added to Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, which became "points of tension" in the territory of the former Soviet Union back in the 1990s. The paper attempts to analyze the motives and content of Russia's political and diplomatic actions in relation to the development of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict in the post-Soviet period, and their consequences for Georgia and Abkhazia. The author reveals the vicissitudes of internal political struggle in the Russian political elite in the 1990s when developing Moscow's policy towards the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. The publication raises the urgent problem of the compatibility of the principle of the territorial integrity of a multi-ethnic State with the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination, up to and including full secession. By supporting Abkhazia in the conflict with Georgia, Moscow strengthened its authority among the North Caucasus peoples, but at the cost of losing good-neighborly relations with Georgia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (9) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Valentin Golub ◽  

The article is devoted to one of the activities of the outstanding domestic ecologist Leonty Grigorievich Ramen-skii. In the 1930s, Ramenskii began to develop theoretical and practical issues of lands typology. In essence, the concept of the land’s typology by Ramenskii does not differ from the classification of biotopes, which began to be developed in European countries about 30 years ago under such projects as CORINE, Palaearctic Habitats, EUNIS. Only their results use differs. The lands typology is intended for the economic exploitation of biotopes, and their classification in the CORINE, Palaearctic Habitats, EUNIS projects for their protection. Ramenskii creat-ed a new direction of ecology, namely, the typology of lands, or in other words, the science of the typology of biotopes. Academician V. R. Williams was a strong opponent of the development of this direction of science in the USSR. Detailed characterization of biotopes was accompanied by their mapping. This characteristic was called land certification. Large areas of vacant land appeared in the first half of the 1940s in the North Caucasus and Kalmykia. There was an urgent need for certification of these lands. Ramenskii prepared instructions for carrying out certification. Similar instructions were reprinted several times in the future. In accordance with these instructions, it is necessary to carry out mapping of lands during their certification on a scale of 1 : 10000–1 : 25000 for agricultural areas and 1 : 25000–1 : 50000 for desert, semi-desert and mountainous areas. The author believed that this was nothing more than a mapping of biotopes, designed for their agricultural exploita-tion. Since the late 1950s, the certification of natural forage lands began to be carried out everywhere throughout the Soviet Union. The instructions indicated that re-survey of hayfields and pastures should be carried out, as a rule, every 15 years, and in areas of intensive use after 10 years. In Russia, large-scale mapping of natural hay-field and pasture biotopes ceased in the early 1990s with the transition to market forms of farming. In Western Europe, large-scale biotope mapping began 30-40 years later than in the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
Jeronim Perović

This chapter presents the first detailed account of the tragic impact of the collectivization and “de-kulakization” campaign in the North Caucasus based on Soviet archival sources. In 1929-30, under the slogan of “socialist transformation of the country,” the Soviet state reached out to the countryside, trying forcibly to change traditional economic ways of life and break up the existing social structures within the villages. In the eyes of the peasants, however, the state’s collectivization and “de-kulakization” campaign represented nothing less than a brutal assault, plunging the whole country into chaos and provoking large-scale rebellions. Resistance was especially fierce in the Muslim-dominated parts of the North Caucasus, where Soviet structures were weak and the social cohesion of mountain communities strong. Ultimately, the Red Army and the armed forces of the secret police crushed these rebellions ruthlessly. However, especially in Chechnia, Ingushetia, Karachai, and the mountainous parts of Dagestan, they were at least sufficiently violent for the Soviet leadership to decide to suspend their collectivization attempt altogether. In fact, it was not until mid-1930s, much later than in most other areas of the Soviet Union, that collectivization was formally completed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 922 (4) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
V.L. Kashin ◽  
N.L. Kashina

Biographic information about the veteran of geodetic service of the Soviet Union Tamara Aleksandrovna Prokofieva is provided in this article. On January 1, 2017, she turned 96 years old. T. A. Prokofieva’s biography is in many respects similar to destinies of her age-mates who met the Great Patriotic War on a student’s bench. In 1939 she entered the Moscow Institute of Geodesy, Aerial Photography, and Cartography. Since then all her life was connected with geodesy. In this article we use Tamara Aleksandrovna’s memories of a communal flat of the 1930s, peripetias of military years, of the North Caucasian and Kazakh aero geodetic enterprises where she worked with her husband Leonid Andreevich Kashin who held a number of executive positions in geodetic service of the USSR in the post-war time.


Author(s):  
Ivan V. ZYKIN

During the years of Soviet power, principal changes took place in the country’s wood industry, including in spatial layout development. Having the large-scale crisis in the industry in the late 1980s — 2000s and the positive changes in its functioning in recent years and the development of an industry strategy, it becomes relevant to analyze the experience of planning the spatial layout of the wood industry during the period of Stalin’s modernization, particularly during the first five-year plan. The aim of the article is to analyze the reason behind spatial layout of the Soviet wood industry during the implementation of the first five-year plan. The study is based on the modernization concept. In our research we conducted mapping of the wood industry by region as well as of planned construction of the industry facilities. It was revealed that the discussion and development of an industrialization project by the Soviet Union party-state and planning agencies in the second half of the 1920s led to increased attention to the wood industry. The sector, which enterprises were concentrated mainly in the north-west, west and central regions of the country, was set the task of increasing the volume of harvesting, export of wood and production to meet the domestic needs and the export needs of wood resources and materials. Due to weak level of development of the wood industry, the scale of these tasks required restructuring of the branch, its inclusion to the centralized economic system, the direction of large capital investments to the development of new forest areas and the construction of enterprises. It was concluded that according to the first five-year plan, the priority principles for the spatial development of the wood industry were the approach of production to forests and seaports, intrasectoral and intersectoral combining. The framework of the industry was meant to strengthen and expand by including forests to the economic turnover and building new enterprises in the European North and the Urals, where the main capital investments were sent, as well as in the Vyatka region, Transcaucasia, Siberia and the Far East.


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 362-398
Author(s):  
Boris Mironov

Abstract In the Soviet Union from 1917 to 1990, the political inequality of the nationalities’ representation in institutions of governance was overcome, non-Russians’ participation in the power structures increased, and Russians’ role in administration correspondingly decreased. The increased non-Russian percentage in governance was mainly due to the introduction of the democratic principle in government formation, according to which ethnicities should participate in proportion to their number. By 1990 in the USSR overall, Russians had a slight majority in all power structures, corresponding roughly to their higher share in the country’s population. In the union republics, however, the situation was different. Only in the RSFSR did all peoples, Russian and non-Russian, participate in government administration in proportion to their numbers, following the democratic norm. Elsewhere, Russians were underrepresented and therefore discriminated against in all organs of power, including the legislative branch. Representatives of non-Russian titular nationalities, who on average filled two-thirds of all administrative positions, predominated in disproportion to their numbers. Given these representatives’ skill majority in legislative bodies, republican constitutions permitted them to adopt any laws and resolutions they desired, including laws on secession from the USSR; and the executive and judicial authorities, together with law enforcement, would undoubtedly support them. Thus, the structural prerequisites for disintegration were established. Thereafter, the fate of the Soviet Union depended on republican elites and the geopolitical environment, because of the Center’s purposeful national policy, aimed toward increasing non-Russian representation among administrative cadres and the accelerated modernization and developmental equalization of the republics.


BUILDER ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 293 (12) ◽  
pp. 46-51
Author(s):  
Svitlana Linda

Despite the short chronological span of the socialist era architecture heritage, it remains little investigated and underappreciated. Given the political and cultural isolation of the Soviet Union republics and strict architectural design regulations, there was a widespread belief that architects should not use innovative trends. This article exemplifies residential quarters in the historic Podil district, designed and built in the 1970s-1980s in Kyiv. They vividly demonstrate the postmodern ideas embodied in Ukrainian architecture. Methodologically, the article bases on the Ch. Jencks definition of postmodernism and in the comparison of his ideology with the implemented Kyiv project. It states that Kyiv architects proposed not typical Soviet construction projects but international postmodern architectural solutions. It proves that, on the one hand, Ukrainian architects had perfect qualifications to draw construction projects implementing advanced world trends of the time. But on the other hand, it highlights that postmodernism in architecture did not merely confine to Western Europe and the United States but also penetrated the Iron Curtain, exemplifying innovative architectural thinking which ran contrary to the modernist paradigm.


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