scholarly journals Possibilities for Decentralisation in Thailand: A View from Chiang Mai

2021 ◽  
pp. 76-96
Author(s):  
Andrew Harding ◽  
Rawin Leelapatana

In this article we examine radical proposals for political, administrative and fiscal decentralisation in Thailand which were developed for Chiang Mai as a potential model for Thailand as a whole. They lay emphasis on local self-government and citizen participation. We argue that these proposals offer a way forward for a Thai decentralisation process that has yet to proceed to the extent envisaged when it was commenced in the 1990s as part of democratisation, embraced most notably in the 1997 Constitution. Moreover, this process, we argue, offers a way out of the extreme confrontation between the yellow and red factions that has troubled Thailand since 2005. As Thailand returns to civilian rule after five years of military government, and local and provincial government comes once more to the fore, we argue that the Chiang Mai Metropolitan Administration Bill of 2013 offer more local democracy as well as imaginative ways of recruiting the enthusiasm of local stakeholders in a system designed to link provincial and local authorities, and the citizenry, in a virtuous circle of democracy and development.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 7839
Author(s):  
Bozena Guziana

In both policy and research, civic engagement and citizen participation are concepts commonly used as important dimensions of social sustainability. However, as migration is a global phenomenon of huge magnitude and complexity, citizen participation is incomplete without considering the political and ethical concerns about immigrants being citizens or non-citizens, or ‘the others’. Although research on citizen participation has been a frequent topic in local government studies in Sweden, the inclusiveness and exclusiveness of terms used in the context of local political engagement, which are addressed in this article, has not received attention. This article examines the Swedish case by analyzing information provided by the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and by websites of all 290 municipalities as well terms used in selected research publications on local participation. Additionally, this article studies the effectiveness of municipal websites in providing information to their residents about how they can participate in local democracy. The results show that the term citizen is commonly and incorrectly used both by local authorities and the Association. The article concludes that the term citizen is a social construction of exclusiveness and the use of the term citizen should be avoided in political and civic engagement except for the limited topics that require formal citizenship.


Author(s):  
Pilar Paricio-Esteban ◽  
Teresa Bruno-Carlos ◽  
Elvira Alonso-Romeero ◽  
María P. García-Alcober

The aim of this research is to determine whether web pages and portals aimed at municipal transparency are in fact used as public relations tools directed at liaison with local stakeholders. The study focuses on the municipalities of the Autonomous Community of Valencia, using a methodology based on the InfoParticipa map via a content and regression analysis. Five main models of transparency web pages and portals were identified in this study, all showing, in general, a low level of compliance with transparency and participation indicators. The online site, although the most heavily used by the municipalities, was the model with the lowest levels of compliance. Separate websites or website sections, the model most widely used by municipalities with more than 50,000 inhabitants, greatly favor relations with citizens and local associations. In contrast, the media and participatory bodies are the stakeholders that are less well addressed from the perspective of public relations in the transparency web pages and portals adopting all the models. The results obtained by linear regression analysis show that independent websites and website sections are significant for the whole dataset. Nevertheless, for small municipalities, independent websites and the Diputación (provincial government) template are the most significant models. The latter model provides the opportunity to address stakeholder relationships for small municipalities that cannot afford to draw up their own designs. Resumen El objeto de la investigación es conocer si las webs y portales de transparencia municipales son utilizados como herramientas de Relaciones Públicas orientadas al diálogo con los públicos locales. Para ello, se ha realizado un análisis de contenido utilizando como base la metodología del Mapa InfoParticipa y un análisis de regresión, centrándose el estudio en los ayuntamientos de la Comunidad Valenciana. En el trabajo se han identificado 5 modelos predominantes de webs y portales de transparencia: web independiente, apartado en web, sede electrónica, plantilla de la Diputación provincial y plantilla del Gobierno de España. En todos los modelos se observa, en general, un bajo nivel de cumplimiento de indicadores de transparencia y participación. El modelo más utilizado por los ayuntamientos es la sede electrónica, siendo el que peores niveles de cumplimiento registra para todos los públicos. La web independiente y el apartado en el sitio web, que son las fórmulas más utilizadas en los ayuntamientos de más de 50.000 habitantes, favorecen más la relación con los ciudadanos y asociaciones locales. Los medios y los órganos de participación son los públicos menos atendidos desde una perspectiva de las Relaciones Públicas en todos los modelos. En el análisis de las regresiones lineales, se evidencia que la web independiente y el apartado en web son significativos en el conjunto de la población, junto con el primer modelo y las plantillas de la Diputación en ayuntamientos más pequeños. El uso de las últimas es una oportunidad para facilitar las relaciones con los stakeholders locales en los municipios de menos de 20.000 habitantes, que cuentan con menos recursos para la elaboración de diseños propios.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1488-1503
Author(s):  
Tobias Vaerst ◽  
Theresa Steffens ◽  
Robert Lokaiczyk

Advancements in internet technology have profoundly changed communication between citizens and government authorities. Concerns management systems and smartphone applications offer new and convenient channels of interaction. In Germany, the “Mängelmelder” platform offers a nationwide service channel for local citizens' concerns. Citizens generally use this communication channel for reporting public infrastructure defects. This paper examines whether the “Mängelmelder” platform – with customized systems can facilitate further citizen participation at the local level in Germany. Analysing different customized systems shows that possibilities for further use depend on the way in which local authorities handle the citizens' input. It could not be proven that offering an open category for citizens' recommendations (in a customized concerns management system) has an impact on further citizen participation. But using digital citizen services, such as concerns management platforms, can indeed facilitate increased citizen participation.


Author(s):  
Hanna Vakkala ◽  
Jaana Leinonen

This chapter discusses local governance renewals and the recent development of local democracy in Finland. Due to profound structural reforms, the role of municipalities is changing, which is challenging current local government processes, from management to citizen participation. Nordic local self-government is considered strong, despite of tightening state steering. Ruling reform politics and the increasing amount of service tasks do not fit the idea of active local governance with sufficient latitude for decision-making. To increase process efficiency, electronic services and governance have been developed nationally and locally, and solutions of eDemocracy have been launched to support participation. Developing participative, deliberative democracy during deep renewals creates opportunities but also requires investments, which create and increase variation between municipalities. From the point of view of local democracy, it becomes interesting how strong municipal self-governance and local governance renewals meet and how the role and status of municipalities are changing.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-116
Author(s):  
Moshe Drori

One of the principal functions of military government in an occupied area is to return civil life to its normal course. Such a goal is not only a political objective whose advantages are obvious; it is also based upon the principles of International Law and the Law of Warfare. The military administration bears responsibility for restoring public order and safety and maintaining essential services, so that it may fulfil the civil functions of government for the welfare of the population in the occupied area.In the intricate framework required to supply services to the population of the occupied area by the military administration, the local municipal authorities play a substantial role. These authorities regard themselves as being closer to the residents of the occupied areas, and thus they see it as a moral duty to take care of their population and provide it with daily services.During periods of crises and war the population tends to a greater extent to shut itself within its immediate surroundings and to request aid and encouragement from familiar local bodies; thus it becomes more and more dependent on the local authorities.


Author(s):  
Thomas Thaler

Recent extreme hydrological events (e.g., in the United States in 2005 or 2012, Pakistan in 2010, and Thailand in 2011) revealed increasing flood risks due to climate and societal change. Consequently, the roles of multiple stakeholders in flood risk management have transformed significantly. A central aspect here is the question of sharing responsibilities among global, national, regional, and local stakeholders in organizing flood risk management of all kinds. This new policy agenda of sharing responsibilities strives to delegate responsibilities and costs from the central government to local authorities, and from public administration to private citizens. The main reasons for this decentralization are that local authorities can deal more efficiently with public administration tasks concerned with risks and emergency management. Resulting locally based strategies for risk reduction are expected to tighten the feedback loops between complex environmental dynamics and human decision-making processes. However, there are a series of consequences to this rescaling process in flood risk management, regarding the development of new governance structures and institutions, like resilience teams or flood action groups in the United Kingdom. Additionally, downscaling to local-level tasks without additional resources is particularly challenging. This development has tightened further with fiscal and administrative cuts around the world resulting from the global economic crisis of 2007–2008, which tightening eventually causes budget restrictions for flood risk management. Managing local risks easily exceeds the technical and budgetary capacities of municipal institutions, and individual citizens struggle to carry the full responsibility of flood protection. To manage community engagement in flood risk management, emphasis should be given to the development of multi-level governance structures, so that multiple stakeholders share fairly the power, resources, and responsibility in disaster planning. If we fail to do so, some consequences would be: (1), “hollowing out” the government, including the downscaling of the responsibility towards local stakeholders; and (2), inability of the government to deal with the new tasks due to lack of resources transferred to local authorities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (7) ◽  
pp. 7-26
Author(s):  
Michał Kasiński

The study presents critical reflections on the course and results of Polish local self-government reforms from March 1990, when after 40 years of the system of territorial soviets (national councils), self-government was reintroduced into communes, until January 2018, when an attempt to improve the systemic institutions of self-government in communes, poviats and voivodships was once again revisited. The author points out significant discrepancies between the basic ethical and political values of local self-government, i.e. democracy, independence and efficiency, and the changing content of self-government systemic laws as well as the practice of local authorities’ operations, and formulates proposals aimed at repairing Polish local self-government by adjusting its organisation and functioning to the principles resulting from the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the European Charter of Local Self-Government. He considers as the most important the elimination of pathological phenomena of simulated local democracy which include: a drastically low turnout in elections and referenda, the disappearance of democratic responsibility of local self-government bodies, and the autonomy of the directly elected executive body of the commune from the influence of the local representation. From this point of view, he positively assesses the new regulations, strengthening the guarantee of transparency of operations carried out by local self-government bodies and control rights of councillors, as well as expanding the catalogue of initiative, consultative and control powers of citizens. He points out, however, that ensuring real democracy in of the local authorities requires a deeper reconstruction of the principles of self-government, the election process, and strengthening the role of representation in creating and enforcing the responsibility of executive bodies.


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