The Role of the Republic of Belarus in Ensuring Regional Security. The Aspect of Minsk Agreements

2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (34) ◽  
pp. 103-119
Author(s):  
Mateusz Matejuk

The article deals with the activities of the Republic of Belarus undertaken for the sake of regional security. The analysed aspect are the Minsk Agreements which have been worked out thanks to the country’s significant organizational and diplomatic efforts. The paper discusses the Belarusian security perspective of both the Central and Eastern European region and the Republic itself. Belarus’s neutral attitude towards the armed conflict in Ukraine is presented in the article as well as the issues related to the organization of the peace process as a result of which the Minsk Agreements were adopted. Attention is also paid to the evolution of Belarus’ foreign policy in which, during the last few years, a significant activity in the field of regional security initiatives has been visible, thus creating the country’s image of a mediator. Belarus can play an important role in this aspect, which can be demonstrated by the example of its commitment to the peace process that eventually led to the signing of the Minsk Agreements.

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Mustafa Ibrahim Salman Al - Shammari ◽  
Dhari Sarhan Hammadi Al-Hamdani

The topic area of that’s paper dealing with role of Britain in established of Israel, so the paper argued the historical developments of Palestinian question and Role of Britain Government toward peace process since 1992, and then its insight toward plan of Palestinian State. That’s paper also argued the British Policy toward Israeli violations toward Palestinians people, and increased with settlement policy by many procedures like demolition of houses, or lands confiscation, the researcher argued the Britain position toward that’s violations beside the political developments which happens in Britain after Theresa May took over the power in Ten Downing Street


Author(s):  
Stefan Tibuleac

This article analyzes the most current security issues for the Republic of Moldova that are part of the regional security context of Eastern Europe –the region that can be considered the epicenter of international tensions through which the„geopolitical line of fracture”passes. The geographical position of the Republic of Moldova makes this state particularly sensitive to any negative trends in theregion. Growing of international tensions creates security threats and complicates economic development. From a historical point of view, Moldova has repeatedly fallen victim by the confrontation of the great powers. Therefore, the Republic of Moldova has a vital interest in preventing a new conflict in Eastern Europe. This article is based on a number of assumptions made by changes in the European security environment, such as the „shift of weight” to the East, strategic uncertainty, increasing the role of non-state actors, the situation in eastern Ukraine, etc. Based on these assumptions, this article makes an attempt to outline the potential role of the Republic of Moldova in the Eastern European security system, taking into account the desideratum for integration of the republic into the European Union. Other relevant factors will be taken into account for shaping the role of the Republic of Moldova in the European security system, namely: the security deficit; the impact of NATO and EU security policy; the rebirth of the project to create a regional defense alliance, etc. This article will largely take into account the military aspects of security. Keywords: Republic of Moldova, national security, Eastern Europe, NATO, Intermarium, defence, threats, risks, challenges


Author(s):  
A. FREDDIE

The article examines the place and role of democracy and human rights in South Africas foreign policy. The author analyzes the process of South Africas foreign policy change after the fall of the apartheid regime and transition to democracy. He gives characteristics of the foreign policy under different presidents of South Africa from 1994 to 2018 and analyzes the political activities of South Africa in the area of peacekeeping and human rights on the African continent.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 179-199
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Entina ◽  
Alexander Pivovarenko

The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental differences in terminology: while the Western narrative promotes more narrow geographical and political definitions (such as the Western Balkan Six), traditional Russian experts are more inclined to wider or integral definitions such as “the Balkans” and “Central and Southeast Europe”. Meanwhile none of these terms are applicable for analysis of the current trends such as the growing transit role of the Balkans region and its embedding in the European regional security architecture. Therefore, a new definition is needed to overcome the differences in vision and better understand significant recent developments in the region. Conceptualizing major foreign policy events in Central and Southeast Europe during the last three decades (the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s), authors demonstrate the significance of differences in tools and methods between the Soviet Union and the modern Russia. Permanent need for adaptation to changing political and security context led to inconsistence in Russian Balkan policy in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Russia was able to preserve an integral vision of the region and even to elaborate new transregional constructive projects, which in right political circumstances may promote stability and become beneficial for both Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 55-63
Author(s):  
Vladyslav Khvostenko ◽  
Marziye Memmedli ◽  
Stanislav Milevskyi

Since gained its independence in 1991, energy management has become the most important factor in the development of Kazakhstan’s economic and foreign policy. This is due to the presence of widespread deposits of natural energy resources in the bowels of Kazakhstan. This forms the energy security and essential basis for the economic independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The study, first of all, looks at Kazakhstan’s foreign policy and the links between foreign policy and energy sources. In particular, attention is paid to the role of oil in shaping Kazakhstan’s foreign policy as an active participant in the highly competitive energy resources market. The energy potential of Kazakhstan, the entry of Kazakh oil into the world market and the obstacles created by Russia for Kazakhstan in this process are investigated next. Other problems in the region are analyzed, including border issues with neighboring countries, as well as the impact of energy demand in China on Kazakhstan’s foreign policy. In this regard, the main focus of the study is the analysis of Kazakhstan’s energy resources rich in oil reserves, and the analysis of the multilateral energy policy of the Astana Government since independence and has been gained since.


Author(s):  
Gleb G. Makarevich

The Indian Ocean accounts half of the world's container shipments, two-thirds of oil product shipments and a third of bulk cargo. Pakistan as a significant regional power laying claims to a higher role in regional trade. But it demands effective naval forces capable of resisting both traditional (possible blockade of Pakistan's seaports if an armed conflict with India takes place) and non-traditional threats (piracy in the Strait of Hormuz). The article examines the evolution of Pakistan's naval strategy from the moment of gaining independence to the present day. The article provides a brief historical overview of the development of the country's naval strategy, analyzes the place of the Pakistani Navy in the armed forces, their role in the implementation of the China-Pakistan economic corridor (CPEC), considers Pakistan's initiatives in the field of regional maritime security, as well as the processes of modernizing the fleet. The author believes that the role of the Navy in Pakistan's grand strategy will only increase due to both economic and regional security factors. The author claims that the role of the maritime strategy and the Pakistani Navy in the country's foreign policy will increase, which is explained by the need to ensure maritime security to implement the key economic project of the CPEC, as well to build a regional security system in the Indian Ocean resistant to all types of threats. The author invokes historical methods to analyze the evolution of Pakistani maritime strategy and hermeneutics to consider the current development of the strategy and its prospects.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Alexey Komarov

The article examines the evolution of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes regarding Finland’s desire to position itself as a neutral country. Finland’s efforts to promote the idea of its neutrality became especially active after World War II. In this way the representatives of the Finnish political class tried to enhance their profile on the international arena and distance themselves from the military clauses of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual assistance signed by the USSR and Finland in 1948. Both in Moscow and Helsinki it was understood that neutrality can play the role of an important foreign policy instrument. The Finns tried to use this instrument to weaken Soviet influence on the country, to facilitate rapprochement with other Nordic countries and, ultimately, with the West as a whole. The Soviet leadership regarded these activities negatively. However, within the framework of general deconstruction of the foreign policy priorities’ system created by Mikhail S. Gorbachev’s predecessors, the Soviet side in 1989 finally and unconditionally recognized Finland’s neutrality. After the collapse of the USSR the Soviet-Finnish Treaty of 1948 was substituted by another document, namely the Treaty on the Foundations of Relations between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Finland signed on January 20, 1992. During the elaboration of the new agreement the Russian side would have had no objection against recognizing Finland as a neutral state, but Helsinki, considering the transition from the bipolar system of international relations to the unipolar one, showed no interest to this.


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