Lithic Tool Industries

Author(s):  
Christina M. Friberg

This chapter addresses whether the Lower Illinois River Valley’s proximity to Cahokia enabled access to craft exchange networks vital to the political economy of Greater Cahokia. This issue requires a detailed lithic analysis of the Audrey site’s lithic assemblage, examining both the craft production and/or exchange of Mill Creek hoes, basalt celts, and microlithic chert drills for marine shell bead manufacture, and the consumption of local Burlington chert. A comparative analysis with data from the Greater Cahokia and northern hinterland areas assesses the extent of Cahokian economic control, the organization of Mississippian lithic tool industries, and regional variation in the nature of economic activities. Finally, an analysis of exotic cherts within lithic assemblages suggests interregional exchange and interaction among northern groups.

1990 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raul García Chávez ◽  
Michael D. Glascock ◽  
J. Michael Elam ◽  
Harry B. lceland

AbstractAnalysis of a collection of lithic artifacts from recent INAH salvage excavations in Azcapotzalco, Mexico, contributes to our understanding of lithic procurement and manufacturing processes, other economic activities, intersite relations, and the decline of Classic civilization in the Basin of Mexico. The results of NAA conducted at the Missouri University Research Reactor on a small sample of obsidian artifacts from the site support the conclusions of visual analysis and growing evidence from other central Mexican sites that at the end of the Classic Period obsidian exchange networks utilizing the Pachuca, Hidalgo, sources were largely replaced by a widespread dependence on the considerably more distant obsidian source of Ucareo, Michoacan. It appears likely that Ucareo obsidian was imported primarily in the form of large polyhedral cores used to produce prismatic blades. Obsidian from the Otumba, State of Mexico, source was also identified by NAA in biface and blade form.


2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


Author(s):  
Nikita K. Siundiukov ◽  

The article presents a comparative analysis of the theory of Ferdinand Tönnies “Gemeinschaft/Gesellschaft” and the philosophy of catholicity in the works of A.S. Khomyakov and I.V. Kireevsky. The theory of Tönnies is considered in the light of the concept of “sociological conservatism” manifested by A.F. Filippov. It is shown that the conceptual opposition “Gemeinschaft/Gesellschaft” can be seen continuation of the discussion about the “nature of the social”. In this light, the main reference points of Tönnies sociology are the political theories of Aris­totle and Hobbes, with an emphasis on the definition of the “natural state” of man. Based on the analysis of Tönnies theory, it is shown that its comparison with Slavophilism is possible in three parameters: appeal to the factor of sub­stantiality, the dichotomy of “historical” and “non – historical” and the use of the concept of “organic”. It is proved that in the context of a “conservative” reading of the philosophy of sobornost, its argumentation turns out to be mainly political and sociological


2019 ◽  
pp. 237-255

Resumen: El trabajo se centra en una cuestión poco tratada, como es la renta básica universal y su relación con los actuales programas de los partidos políticos, con los que han concurrido a las elecciones generales, con una doble dimensión: a) lo que cada programa presenta y defiende acerca de esta renta o medidas similares (justificación, alcance y límites), y b) una vez esbozadas la idea y alcance de la renta en cada partido, el análisis comparativo de las diversas propuestas de los partidos, abundando en la cercanía o la distancia de tales propuestas con una renta básica universal Palabras clave:renta básica universal, rentas de solidaridad, políticas sociales, igualdad social, soluciones a la pobreza. Abstract: The work focuses on a little-treated issue, as it is the universal basic income and its relationship with existing programmes of the political parties, which have attended the general election, with a double dimension: (a) what each program presents and defends about this income or similar measures (justification, scope and limits), and b) once outlined the idea and scope of the income in each party, the comparative analysis of the various proposals of the parties, abounding in the closeness or distance of such proposals with a universal basic income. Keywords:universal basic income, income from solidarity, social policy, social equality, solutions to poverty.


Author(s):  
John E. Kicza

Mexico City, in the fifty years between 1770 and 1820 was far and away the largest urban entity in the Americas, with a population ranging between about 80000 and 120000 peop1e in this period. As a center of both production and consumption and the headquarters of the numerous agencies in the political and religious hierarchies, the capital had a major impact on the social organization and economic activities of rural areas and regional centers throughout the colony of New Spain. In its capacity as a mercantile entrepôt of the most prosperous colony in the Spanish empire at this time, Mexico City's reach extended across half the globe, with its merchants directing operations and interchanges from at least Manila -and by extension China- to Spain -and by extension England.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-46
Author(s):  
Johanna Schuster-Craig

“Integration” refers to multiple arenas in German migration politics, including journalistic discourse, public policy, and cultural logics about incorporating immigrants and refugees into the nation. This article examines two non-fiction narratives, Das Ende der Geduld by Kirsten Heisig and Muslim Girls by Sineb El Masrar, to explore how each author characterizes integration from opposite sides of the political spectrum. In integration politics, adolescence is often construed as a problem, which—when improperly managed—leads to the criminalization or radicalization of youth of color. Comparative analysis of these two texts shows that institutions such as the school and the criminal justice system produce adolescence as a problem for integration and as a way to avoid acknowledging institutionalized inequity. These two examples exist as part of a longer genealogy of authors using mass-market paperbacks to comment on integration politics.


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