scholarly journals Não somos selvagens: cultura política dos índios no Ceará (1799-1822) (We are not wild: Indian’s political culture in Ceará (1799-1822))

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (26) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
João Paulo Peixoto Costa
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Social Space ◽  
White Men ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

<p>O espaço social imaginado para os índios na América portuguesa, entre meados do século XVIII e início do XIX, os colocava em uma ambiguidade. Mesmo estando em situação de equidade com os brancos enquanto vassalos régios, eram caracterizados como ainda sujeitos a uma espécie de “menoridade moral”. Entre a construção da imagem dessa população associada à barbárie e a ação política dessas comunidades em suas povoações, chama atenção a procura constante dos índios em identificar-se enquanto súditos do rei e merecedores dos direitos que lhes eram garantidos e que bem conheciam. Diante desses conflitos, o objetivo é contrastar a imagem de “entregues à natureza” construída pelos governadores com a cultura política dos índios vilados no Ceará, omitida dos registros do governo, apesar de sua presença latente.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The social space imagined for the Indians in Portuguese America, between the mid-eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, put them in an ambiguity. Even though they are in a situation of equality with the white men known as vassals, were characterized as still subject to a kind of "moral minority". Between the construction of the image associated with this barbarism and the political action of these communities in their towns’ population, it points out the constant pursuit of the Indians in order to identify themselves as subjects of the king and deserving of rights that were guaranteed and that they knew well. Given these conflicts, the goal is to contrast the image of  “delivered to nature” which is built by the governors with the political culture of Indians in Ceará, that are omitted from the records of the government, despite its latent presence.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>:<strong> </strong>Indians. Political culture. Ceará.</p>

scholarly journals The Politics of Gift Exchange in Early Qajar Iran, 1785–1834

2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 550-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Assef Ashraf
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political History ◽  
Gift Exchange ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gift Giving ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
History Of ◽  
Center Periphery

AbstractThis article uses gift-giving practices in early nineteenth-century Iran as a window onto statecraft, governance, and center-periphery relations in the early Qajar state (1785–1925). It first demonstrates that gifts have a long history in the administrative and political history of Iran, the Persianate world, and broader Eurasia, before highlighting specific features found in Iran. The article argues that the pīshkish, a tributary gift-giving ceremony, constituted a central role in the political culture and economy of Qajar Iran, and was part of the process of presenting Qajar rule as a continuation of previous Iranian royal dynasties. Nevertheless, pīshkish ceremonies also illustrated the challenges Qajar rulers faced in exerting power in the provinces and winning the loyalty of provincial elites. Qajar statesmen viewed gifts and bribes, at least at a discursive level, in different terms, with the former clearly understood as an acceptable practice. Gifts and honors, like the khil‘at, presented to society were part of Qajar rulers' strategy of presenting themselves as just and legitimate. Finally, the article considers the use of gifts to influence diplomacy and ease relations between Iranians and foreign envoys, as well as the ways in which an inadequate gift could cause offense.

The Gender of Subscribers to Eighteenth-Century Music Publications

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 94-152
Author(s):  
Simon D. I. Fleming
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social History ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Capital Cities ◽  
The Social ◽  
Musical Interests ◽  
Insight Into

One of the most important and valuable resources available to researchers of eighteenth-century social history are the lists of subscribers that were attached to a wide variety of publications. Yet, the study of this type of resource remains one of the areas most neglected by academics. These lists shed considerable light on the nature of those who subscribed to music, including their social status, place of employment, residence, and musical interests. They naturally also provide details as to the gender of individual subscribers.As expected, subscribers to most musical publications were male, but the situation changed considerably as the century progressed, with more females subscribing to the latest works by the early nineteenth century. There was also a marked difference in the proportion of male and female subscribers between works issued in the capital cities of London and Edinburgh and those written for different genres. Female subscribers also appear on lists to works that they would not ordinarily be permitted to play. Ultimately, a broad analysis of a large number of subscription lists not only provides a greater insight into the social and economic changes that took place in Britain over the course of the eighteenth century, but also reveals the types of music that were favoured by the members of each gender.

Gentlemen Dissenters: The Social and Political Meanings of Rational Dissent in the 1770s and 1780s

1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Seed
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Dissent ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Radicalism

Conventional wisdom has long maintained that eighteenth-century religious dissent was a significant source of opposition to the Hanoverian status quo. For Trevelyan, for instance, dissenters were ‘vigilant champions of liberty and critics of government’. The high political visibility of rational dissenters in oppositional movements in the 1770s and 1780s – in opposition to the American war, the Test and Corporation Acts, slavery and the slave trade, the existing electoral system – has been particularly noted. However in recent years the political significance of religious dissent has been questioned. Roy Porter warns that the zeal for reform among dissenters should not be overestimated: ‘Not till the 1780s, and then only amongst a hothead minority, did Nonconformity show a potential for political radicalism.’ John Brewer has argued that the dissenting group associated with Hollis, Price, Priestley and ‘the small, snug, dissenting coterie of Newington Green’ marks one tradition of political opposition in the eighteenth century. But, largely confined to intellectual critique, remarkably uninvolved in the day-to-day cut-and-thrust of political action even evincing a patrician alarm at popular direct action, its contribution to political change was far less significant than the Wilkite movement.

“Modifying the Traditional for the Good of the Whole”: Commentary on State-Building and Bureaucracy in Nassau, Baden, and Saxony in the Early Nineteenth Century

1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 293-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marion W. Gray
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
German Politics ◽  
Vital Debate

The three articles of this symposium contribute to a vital debate about the nature of modern German politics. The works by Barbara Anderson, Loyd Lee, and Lawrence Flockerzie discuss the political culture upon which the post-Napoleonic reconstruction of Germany rested. This political culture transcended the conventional concepts “liberal” and “conservative.” It was based on bourgeois ideals.

Finance Beyond the Bounds of the Fiscal-Military State: Debt, Speculation and the Renovation of Nineteenth-Century French Financial Capitalism

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tyson Leuchter
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Property Rights ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
Stock Exchange ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Informal Empire ◽  
Financial Capitalism

Abstract Focusing on the Paris Stock Exchange in the early nineteenth century, this article examines the renovation of public debt and speculation following financial, political and military collapse. Though financial capitalism at the Exchange in the eighteenth century had been located mostly within the architecture of the fiscal-military state, the fallout of the Revolution and the defeat of the Napoleonic regime eliminated this option. Rather than military competition, financial capitalism at the Exchange in the nineteenth century was rebuilt by focusing inwards, by being linked to political values such as defined property rights, a particular vision of liberty and theories of representative government. Financial capitalism was still connected to empire, however; the reconstruction of financial capitalism at home helped to establish the conditions for exporting capital abroad, in the pursuit of informal empire. The article thus shows how financial capitalism came to be aligned with the political good in the post-revolutionary world.

Gogol's ‘The Government Inspector’ at the National Theatre, 1985

1987 ◽  
Vol 3 (12) ◽  
pp. 358-376
Author(s):  
Mark Hawkins-Dady
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Graduate Student ◽  
Doctoral Dissertation ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
National Theatre ◽  
The Social ◽  
Close Observation ◽  
The Government

Although numbered among the earliest of masterpieces from the modern repertoire, Gogol'sThe Government Inspectorhas its roots deep in earlier Russian society, and much of its apparent humour is based on close observation of the gradations and prejudices of provincial Russian society in the early nineteenth century. In a detailed exploration of the revival in the National Theatre's Olivier auditorium, Mark Hawkins-Dady relates the play to its origins, suggesting that the director Richard Eyre stuck closely to the metaphorical truth, at least, of the social ambience selected by Gogol – and that the apparently eccentric casting of ‘alternative comedian’ Rik Mayall in the central role closely reflected Gogol's own feelings about the nature and playing of the character. Mark Hawkins-Dady is a graduate student in the Drama Department of Royal Holloway College. University of London, currently preparing a doctoral dissertation on directing practices at the National Theatre.

The Price of Offices in Pre-Revolutionary France

1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-860 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Doyle
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Early History ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
History Of ◽  
Local Courts ◽  
The Government

One of the most distinctive features of the French Ancien Régime was the sale of offices. Several European states resorted to this method of tapping the wealth of their richer subjects in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but nowhere did venality spread further through society than in France, and nowhere did its importance persist so long. Although the revolutionaries of 1789 abolished it, it reappeared for certain public functions in the early nineteenth century, and has not quite vanished even today. The origins and early history of the system have been authoritatively studied, but its eighteenth-century history has received very little attention. This is all the more curious in that France continued to be governed largely by holders of venal offices, they constituted the backbone of opposition to the government in the form of the magistrates of the parlements, and huge amounts of capital continued to be absorbed by office-buying. Even so, most historians consider that by this time the venal system was in decline. This seemed to be demonstrated by unsold offices remaining on the market, and above all by falling, office prices. For Alfred Cobban, indeed, these trends were symptoms of the decline of a whole class, the officiers. Here was ‘a section of society which was definitely not rising in wealth, and was barely holding its own in social status’ as falling office prices showed. ‘The decline seems to have been general, from the parlements downwards, though until the end of the eighteenth century it was much less marked in the offices of the parlements than in those of the présidiaux, élections, maréchaussées and other local courts.’ Resentment at this decline explained the revolutionary fervour of the officiers, whom Cobban had previously shown to be the largest bourgeois group in the National Assembly; and 1789 was largely the work not of a rising capitalist bourgeoisie, but rather of a declining professional one.

scholarly journals Otherness and Self in Latvian Theatre: Changes at the Turn of the Nineteenth Century

2015 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 120
Author(s):  
Pauls Daija
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Eighteenth Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The Hill

In the article, political and historical interpretations of the first play in Latvian, an adapted translation of Ludvig Holberg’s Jeppe of the Hill (1723, Latvian version 1790) are explored. Although the play has been often interpreted as a work of anti-alcohol propaganda, the article argues that the political motives of the play are no less important. Translated into Latvian during the time of the French revolution, the play mirrors the tense atmosphere of the revolutionary years and reflects changes in Latvian peasant identity. While translating, Baltic German pastor Alexander Johann Stender changed the play’s setting to the late eighteenth century Courland and added new details, emphasizing the social conflict of the play as an ethnic one. It has been argued in the article that since ‘class’ in the Baltics was divided along national lines, the difference between peasants and masters was also the difference between Latvians and Germans, so class and ethnicity merged. When the peasant and the nobleman switch places in the play, this symbolizes a change in the Latvian-German colonial relationship. The colonial interpretation allows for a characterisation of the protagonist as a desperate imitator – a colonial subject who loses his identity as a serf and is not able to form a new identity in any way other than by copying the colonialist op- pressor. But this mimicry turns into ridicule, hence the play acquires a political meaning as it implicitly shows the disastrous consequences of revolutionary pro- test. Therefore, the play can be read as a part of the discussions about the Baltic Enlightenment emancipation project and as a hidden debate on serfdom and the colonial framework of the Courland society

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew C. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Print Culture ◽  
Considerable Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Environment ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
American Protestantism ◽  
The Individual

Dissenters experienced considerable change during the eighteenth century. The political and cultural environment in which they lived was in flux. Before 1689, public declarations of Dissenting faith were risky. By the early nineteenth century, Dissenters were increasingly influential and secure. Several different processes helped to make these changes possible. One was the revival of ‘vital religion’, associated with a period of awakening. Awakening spread far and wide within European and American Protestantism but Dissenters were strongly affected by it. The growth of ideas of enlightenment encouraged both an emphasis on personal faith and the ability of the individual to make choices about faith for him/herself and also helped increase the resources able to express faith through burgeoning print culture.

scholarly journals The Impact of Uncertainty Money Growth on the Economic Growth of South Asian Countries during 2004-2016

2019 ◽  
pp. 29-42
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Impact

Political culture, as a part of public culture and a group of beliefs, virtues, norms and approaches with views to the political area, is one of the basic issues which has been paid attention and the subject of many researches, especially since the second half of the 20th century. The topic of this article is studying Afghanistan political culture as well as answering the question of which impacts it has had on Afghanistan political participation during the after-2001 years. Also, in this research, by using an analytic-descriptive method, at first, the definition of political culture and its features in Afghanistan are presented and then, the occurred changes in the indexes of Afghanistan political coopetation in the recent decades are studied too. Political culture, as the system of empirical beliefs, symbols, virtues and the norms, which are regarded as the foundation of political action and the political behaviours of the public people, parties and the government officials is one of the basic issues which has been considered and studied by many experts of politucal area for the recent era. The continuity and strength of any any kinds of cooperations depends on the society political culture origin as it is a very important factor for defining the political social identity of the public members and determining their views, virtues and norms toward politics and authority. Moreover, in this study, at first,the level of changes in the last-two-decade political culture of Afghanistan society is discussed and then its impact on political participation is analysed through explaining the tie between beliefs and behaviours as well as a case study over the political cooperarion increase.

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