Gogol's ‘The Government Inspector’ at the National Theatre, 1985

1987 ◽  
Vol 3 (12) ◽  
pp. 358-376
Author(s):  
Mark Hawkins-Dady

Although numbered among the earliest of masterpieces from the modern repertoire, Gogol'sThe Government Inspectorhas its roots deep in earlier Russian society, and much of its apparent humour is based on close observation of the gradations and prejudices of provincial Russian society in the early nineteenth century. In a detailed exploration of the revival in the National Theatre's Olivier auditorium, Mark Hawkins-Dady relates the play to its origins, suggesting that the director Richard Eyre stuck closely to the metaphorical truth, at least, of the social ambience selected by Gogol – and that the apparently eccentric casting of ‘alternative comedian’ Rik Mayall in the central role closely reflected Gogol's own feelings about the nature and playing of the character. Mark Hawkins-Dady is a graduate student in the Drama Department of Royal Holloway College. University of London, currently preparing a doctoral dissertation on directing practices at the National Theatre.

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (26) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
João Paulo Peixoto Costa

<p>O espaço social imaginado para os índios na América portuguesa, entre meados do século XVIII e início do XIX, os colocava em uma ambiguidade. Mesmo estando em situação de equidade com os brancos enquanto vassalos régios, eram caracterizados como ainda sujeitos a uma espécie de “menoridade moral”. Entre a construção da imagem dessa população associada à barbárie e a ação política dessas comunidades em suas povoações, chama atenção a procura constante dos índios em identificar-se enquanto súditos do rei e merecedores dos direitos que lhes eram garantidos e que bem conheciam. Diante desses conflitos, o objetivo é contrastar a imagem de “entregues à natureza” construída pelos governadores com a cultura política dos índios vilados no Ceará, omitida dos registros do governo, apesar de sua presença latente.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The social space imagined for the Indians in Portuguese America, between the mid-eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, put them in an ambiguity. Even though they are in a situation of equality with the white men known as vassals, were characterized as still subject to a kind of "moral minority". Between the construction of the image associated with this barbarism and the political action of these communities in their towns’ population, it points out the constant pursuit of the Indians in order to identify themselves as subjects of the king and deserving of rights that were guaranteed and that they knew well. Given these conflicts, the goal is to contrast the image of  “delivered to nature” which is built by the governors with the political culture of Indians in Ceará, that are omitted from the records of the government, despite its latent presence.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>:<strong> </strong>Indians. Political culture. Ceará.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Jaffe

With relatively few exceptions, personal petitions from individuals have received much less attention from historians than those from groups in the public political sphere. In one sense, personal petitions adopted many of the same rhetorical strategies as those delivered by a group. However, they also offer unique insights into the quotidian relationship between the people and their rulers. This article examines surviving personal petitions to various administrators at different levels of government in western India during the decades surrounding the East India Company’s conquests. The analysis of these petitions helps to refine our understanding of the place of the new judicial system in the social world of early-nineteenth-century India, especially by illuminating the discourse of justice that petitioners brought to the presentation of their cases to their new governors. The conclusion of this article seeks to place the rhetoric of personal petitioning within the larger context of mass political petitioning in India during the early nineteenth century.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Calhoun

In this article I ask (1) whether the ways in which the early bourgeois public sphere was structured—precisely by exclusion—are instructive for considering its later development, (2) how a consideration of the social foundations of public life calls into question abstract formulations of it as an escape from social determination into a realm of discursive reason, (3) to what extent “counterpublics” may offer useful accommodations to failures of larger public spheres without necessarily becoming completely attractive alternatives, and (4) to what extent considering the organization of the public sphere as a field might prove helpful in analyzing differentiated publics, rather than thinking of them simply as parallel but each based on discrete conditions. These considerations are informed by an account of the way that the public sphere developed as a concrete ideal and an object of struggle in late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Britain.


Author(s):  
L. Ivanova

The article analyses the present state of Russian society in the context of overcoming economic stagnation and activating the mechanism of economic growth. The author examines the possibility of mobilizing human capital; social attitudes and their dynamics; the institutional structure of Russian society, implicating the principles of solidarity and coordination of interests within the framework of various voluntary unions and associations.  The analysis allows the author to define the social conditions for the activation of economic growth as complex, ambiguous and requiring a significant adjustment of social policy. At the same time, there are certain manifestations of Russian society’s interest in self-development, consolidation, and more active socio-economic transformations. The social demand for progressive sustainable economic development being obvious, the government will be able to launch economic growth by shifting from a policy of social protection to a policy of social development, with adequate goodwill and flexibility.


1971 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. M. Macleod

The development of government participation in the support of research is one of the most significant characteristics of nineteenth-century science. As public money became available for science, the social framework of research underwent a profound transformation. This process of transformation is not easy to define, but the response of scientific societies and institutions sometimes provides significant clues.


Author(s):  
Michelle McCann

This chapter examines the function, status and qualifications of the men that served in the role of county coroner in Ireland in the first half of the nineteenth century. This remains an under-researched area when compared to other local government figures of authority. The history of the office exposes tensions within a politically polarised society and the need for changes in legislation. A combination of factors initially undermined the social standing and reputation of coroners. An examination of the legislation on coroners that the administration subsequently introduced suggests that the authority of the office in early-nineteenth-century Ireland was not strictly jurisprudential, but political and confessional by nature. By analysing the personal background, work experience, social standing, political alliances and religious patronage of coroner William Charles Waddell (1798-1878), the paper charts the wider social and political narrative that allowed this eminently respectable Presbyterian figure to secure the role of coroner of County Monaghan.


1999 ◽  
Vol 44 (S7) ◽  
pp. 149-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatima El Tayeb

The 1999 plan of the Social Democratic government to adjust Germany's 1913 nationality law has generated an intensely emotional debate. In an unprecedented action, the opposition Christian Democrats managed to gather hundreds of thousands of signatures against the adjustment that would have granted citizenship to second generation “immigrants” born in Germany. At the end of the twentieth century, Germans still strongly cling to the principle ofjus sanguinis. The idea that nationality is not connected ot place of birth or culture but rather to a “national essence” tJiat is somehow incorporated in the subject's blood has been strong in Germany since the early nineteenth century and has been especially decisive for the country's twentieth-century history.


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