scholarly journals What Difficulties Has Serbia and Montenegro Faced in the Process of EU Accession and Economic Transition?

Author(s):  
Nozomu Abe
2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 910-936
Author(s):  
Paweł Kaczmarczyk ◽  
Enrique Aldaz-Carroll ◽  
Paulina Hołda

This article belongs to the special cluster, “Politics and Current Demographic Challenges in Central and Eastern Europe,” guest-edited by Tsveta Petrova and Tomasz Inglot. Even if Poland has been commonly presented as a typical emigration country, the post–EU accession migration still presents an extremely interesting case in terms of its (very high) scale, structural characteristics, and consequences. With about 2.5 million of its citizens staying temporarily abroad, Poland belongs to the most mobile European nations, and the post-accession migration to the EU is presented as a “natural experiment.” The article aims to discuss the main economic outcomes of the post-2004 migration from Poland and to address the question to what extent the Polish experience is transferable and can be used as a policy lesson for other developing countries. Based on the Polish case, the authors argue that labor migration from a country with large workforce surpluses (as present in most of the less developed countries) can help avoid hysteresis and support the structural transformation of the economy. Fulfillment of these positive expectations is however dependent on several factors including structure of migration (and return migration), structural conditions at origin and public policies imposed. Authors argue that migration policies have only limited impact on the scale and structure of international migration but public policies are critically important in harnessing the developmental potential of migration.


Significance Its wider importance lies in the potential to stimulate trust in the electoral process, inspiring disillusioned populaces and weak opposition movements. Meanwhile, Serbia’s elections on June 21, boycotted by the best part of the opposition, further entrenched the ruling party’s power. Impacts Democratisation need not bring growth, with Serbia and Montenegro already attracting non-transparent Chinese and Middle Eastern investment. Montenegro’s clear commitment to reforms for EU accession could help reduce inequality and support rule-of-law and environmental protection. Businesses and investors could feel the benefit in a few years of increasing checks and balances reining in gate-keeping and rent-seeking.


2003 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Phuong

The European Union is soon to be composed of twenty-seven Member States. The first wave of enlargement is to take place in 2004 and may see the accession of Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, and the three Baltic states. A few years later, Bulgaria and Romania are also expected to join the EU. Although previous enlargements have taken place,2 the imminent accession of ten countries, mainly from Central and Eastern Europe, is unprecedented not only in terms of scale, but also for its political symbolism: for these states, EU membership confirms the success of their democratic and economic transition efforts and represents their (re-)integration to the European family after decades of isolation under the Soviet domination.


Author(s):  
Agnieszka Chłoń-Domińczak

Abstract Poland was traditionally an “emigration country”, but the available data indicates that the migration patterns in Poland changed significantly after the EU accession. While in the course of the 1990s, after economic transition, the international mobility of Poles declined, it accelerated after the EU accession in May 2004. The large scale of emigration also led to labour market shortages in Poland. In recent years, Poland observed a high inflow of migrant workers, particularly from Ukraine. The increasing share of foreigners residing in Poland creates a challenge for the social protection system, which has quite complex eligibility rules. Furthermore, many non-EU nationals are working in the informal economy with no access to social protection.


Author(s):  
Daviti Mtchedlishvili

The sense of optimism for the enlargement of the European Union in the near-future has been evaporating. A new strategy paper on EU enlargement which was issued by the European Commission in February 2018 seems to still be based on a ‘fatigue from expansion’ approach to enlargement, even though it states that Serbia and Montenegro ‘could potentially be ready for membership [by] 2025’. This paper discusses the bumpy road the Western Balkan states have faced towards EU accession from the early 2000s to the present day. In addition to more challenging domestic political and economic conditions, these states have also been required to meet tougher and more variable accession conditions in comparison to the post-communist states that joined the EU in and after 2004. The inconsistency and vagueness of the EU approach to the accession of the Western Balkan states remains the most important factor behind the continued postponements of their accession dates.


2004 ◽  
Vol 44 (161) ◽  
pp. 101-121
Author(s):  
Dusan Zdravkovic ◽  
Snezana Vasic

Environmental protection is one of the top priorities of the EU. The EU regulates this area both within the Union and internationally. Also, the regulations concerning environmental protection in the EU to a certain extent exceed the national level. The EU environmental legislation imposes a number of challenges to membership candidates. Legal heritage of the EU is very extensive, complex and costly, and environmental problems are much more important in the EU membership candidates than in the member states. Therefore, it is of great importance for transitional countries such as Serbia and Montenegro to participate in the EU Stabilization and Association Process as well as in the WTO accession process.


Balcanica ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 283-294
Author(s):  
Bardos Gordon

The Balkans is currently going through its most profound period of change since Slobodan Milosevic's overthrow in October 2000. Montenegro has declared its independence from the state union of Serbia and Montenegro; the Kosovo future status talks are in their final stages and by all indications will suggest some form of independence for the Serbian province; new governments are in place in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia; while the results of Serbia?s January 2007 elections suggest that Serbian politics will be unstable for the foreseeable future. All of this is occurring at a time when two of the pillars promoting stability in the Balkans - a substantial U.S. military presence and the foreseeable prospect of EU accession for the countries of the region - are being withdrawn. Meanwhile, anew variable is being introduced into the strategic equation in The region - the return of Russia as a serious player. As a result of all of these new developments without a more serious commitment to the region from both Washington and Brussels over the next few years, there is a serious likelihood that the democratic and economic transitions in the region will suffer serious setbacks or delays.


2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Fatic

The discussion of bilateral relations in modern international relations is usually in the shadow of the new character of global international politics, which is mediated through the large international relations. Bilateral diplomacy is slowly giving way to multilateral diplomacy in the solving of most international issues, including those that have been traditionally perceived as belonging exclusively to the domain of state sovereignty. However, bilateral relations remain crucial in situations where integration processes into large international bodies encounter obstacles and problems. The current development of bilateral diplomacy between Serbia and Montenegro on the one, and Bulgaria and Romania, on the other hand, serves predominantly the purposes of regional harmonisation that will eventually lead to NATO and EU accession, and this process also serves to iron out not so infrequent problems and dissonances in the recent history of bilateral relations, especially between Bulgaria and the former FRY, and particularly during the NATO bombing of FRY in the Spring of 1999. Today, however, all three countries have proclaimed the EU and NATO accession projects as the top priorities of their foreign policies. In the course of pursuit of their accession policies, Bulgaria and Romania have realised that the so-called ?beauty contest? approach, namely the countries' insistence on their own qualifications for membership in the EU and NATO, as opposed to the qualifications of the other countries of the region, is largely futile, and they have opted instead for a regional cooperation approach. The latter approach is consistent with the founding principle of regionalism in the internal organisation of the European Union, and this principle includes, among others, the sub-principle of subsidiarity, whereby all decisions are made on the lowest hierarchical level possible, preferably on the level of European regions. This approach implies that countries that are candidates for membership in the EU must first demonstrate the ability to cooperate and integrate regionally, and this is why Romania and Bulgaria, as well as Serbia and Montenegro, have now refocused their efforts on mutual bilateral relations within the context of NATO (and EU) accession.


Planta Medica ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 74 (09) ◽  
Author(s):  
T Jankovic ◽  
G Zdunic ◽  
K Savikin ◽  
I Beara ◽  
N Mimica-Dukić

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