EU und ASEAN

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ines Vitic
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Social Regulation ◽  
Annual Reports ◽  
Social Sector ◽  
World Region ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
World Regions ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Eu

World regions can be understood as a stage between national and global social policy as new places for generating social security. In this study, this thesis is analysed empirically and innovatively in terms of concept from a sociological point of view. Based on the triangulation of various theoretical approaches, it develops a theory of humane world regions, raising the social profile of the EU and ASEAN to an unprecedented level. It presents the social objectives, social sector and social regulation of each world region from a longitudinal perspective (EU: 1952 to 2010; ASEAN: 1980 to 2010). The foundations of its data are based on world regional legal acts (n = 1620), contracts and annual reports, which are evaluated qualitatively and analytically. The EU is a world region with a binding social profile, while ASEAN has established a non-binding social profile.

SOCIAL WELFARE OF MIGRANT WORKERS IN THE EU: COMPARATIVE MODELS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE LEGAL INTEGRATION SYSTEM OF THE EAEU STATES

2021 ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
Dmitry V. Agashev ◽  
◽  
Sergey G. Trifonov ◽  
Kristine V. Trifonova ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Current State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Security Relations ◽  
Legal Space ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Eu

The article assesses the EU legal system as a unique institutional unit and highlights its features. It deals with the comparative legal aspects of the regulation of the social welfare of migrant workers in the EU and the EAEU. Attention is paid to the study of legislation on social welfare for migrant workers in the EU, as well as the possibility of realizing the experi-ence accumulated within the EAEU. It is emphasized that the use of comparative models con-cerning the social welfare of migrant workers in the EU and the EAEU can be productive, taking into account the analysis of the state and dynamics of the EU's legal policy in its historical development. The authors have analyzed the historical stages reflecting the difference within the EU approaches to the regulation of social welfare relations for migrant workers. The emphasis is on the role of EU administrative institutions, which provide a balancing approach to the key principles and social policy settings, due to the desire to eliminate distortions and possible conflicts between the norms of states. At the same time, EU members have the competence within the existing common standards of financial security obligations to expand the estab-lished standards and this makes the EU's social policy geographically differentiated. It is noted that the allied states, formed on trade and economic grounds, such as the EU and the EAEU, are characterized by an objective desire for a single legal space, with the uni-fication of approaches on the social welfare of migrant workers throughout the Union. Never-theless, in complex interstate unions, it is impossible to abandon the principle of multi-level regulation of social and security relations, and in this sense, the situation in the EU and the EAEU is quite similar. The current state of EU law in terms of regulating the relations under consideration largely preserves national legal regimes, and each of them, through its special legal means, determines a different amount of social rights of migrant workers. In the context of the EAEU, a similar approach should not be considered productive, since it does not contribute to the goals of this interstate association, defined by Article 4 of the Treaty on its creation. Therefore, within the framework of the EAEU, it is advisable to fix as early as possible the uniform standards in the area of social welfare of migrant workers, estab-lishing a relatively narrow range of powers of the member states of the Union.

Transmigration: the rise of flexible migration strategies as part of superdiversity

2020 ◽  
pp. 100-121
Author(s):  
Dirk Geldof ◽  
Mieke Schrooten ◽  
Sophie Withaeckx
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Migration Studies ◽  
Scientific Debate ◽  
The Social ◽  
Policy Frameworks ◽  
Migration Strategies ◽  
The Eu

This chapter assesses transmigration. Within the fields of migration studies and superdiversity, transmigration and its impact on social policy are still underexplored. Yet, the rising number of transmigrants within Europe — from outside the EU as well as intra-EU-mobility — does not only challenge ideas of belonging and integration, but also existing concepts of governance and social policy. By foregrounding the cases of Brazilian, Ghanaian, and Moroccan transmigrants residing in Belgium in 2014–15, the chapter contributes to a scientific debate regarding these topics. It presents the results of a research project in the two main superdiverse Belgian cities (Brussels and Antwerp), focusing on the social problems and vulnerabilities that relate to transmigration and its inherent temporality and the way that these are experienced and addressed by social workers in superdiverse urban areas within policy frameworks that often do not (yet) recognise the changing context.

scholarly journals The Tolerable Cost of European Union Regulation: Leaving the EU and the Market for Politically Convenient Facts

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-743 ◽  
Author(s):  
GARY FOOKS ◽  
TOM MILLS
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Working Conditions ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Social Regulation ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Costs And Benefits ◽  
Business Competitiveness ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

AbstractEuropean Union (EU) law-making has played a key role in promoting social equity in the UK through safer working conditions, enhanced rights for workers, and by reducing environmental pollution. Concerns over its effect on business competitiveness have long been a major driver of Euroscepticism, underpinning criticism of the EU by influential opinion formers within British conservatism. The Leave Campaign argued that EU laws damage the UK economy by imposing unnecessary costs on British business, claiming that EU regulations cost the UK economy £33.3 billion per year. This paper examines the reliability of, and assumptions that underpin, aggregated estimates of the costs and benefits of EU-derived regulation, and considers how the economisation of public policy influences understanding of the social value of regulation. It brings together the findings of studies that have evaluated the accuracy of the estimated costs and benefits in formal impact assessments and analyses impact assessments of EU-derived policy instruments aimed at regulating working conditions. Our findings suggest that aggregated estimates represent poor guides to understanding the social costs and benefits of social regulation and highlight the value of discarding impact assessment estimates of costs and benefits in the context of efforts to shape social policy post-Brexit.

Social dialogue in candidate countries: what for?

2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lado ◽  
Daniel Vaughan-Whitehead
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
The Real ◽  
Social Dialogue ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Partners ◽  
Dialogue Process ◽  
Eu Candidate Countries ◽  
The Eu

In their negotiations for accession to the EU, candidate countries have made important social policy commitments. These include the promotion of social dialogue up to EU standards and the application of the principles and values that prevail in this area. Accordingly, governments of candidate countries are trying to promote appropriate conditions for such social dialogue to take place, while social partners are reinforcing their structures to play their full role in the social dialogue process. Nevertheless, there has been little debate about the real objectives of social dialogue in the candidate countries. What is social dialogue for, what has it achieved so far, and why is it so important to develop it further? Who are expected to be the ultimate beneficiaries of social dialogue mechanisms and practices? What implications might current features of social dialogue in candidate countries have in the enlarged European Union? This article provides a first tentative assessment of the coverage of social dialogue - and thus of the effectiveness of social dialogue mechanisms - in the candidate countries.

The European social dimension in pension policy

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Willert
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Pension Reform ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
Pension Policy ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Europe 2020 ◽  
Social Objective ◽  
The Social ◽  
Old Age Poverty ◽  
The Eu

This article analyses how the social objective of protecting lower earners from old-age poverty is supported at the EU level. It argues that although the Member States are responsible for pension policy, the EU framework could empower domestic social policy actors by providing them with cognitive and normative resources. The analysis is based on the situation in three countries: Germany, Poland and the United Kingdom. The article shows that there are well developed shared data and indicators, but that there is limited scope for common interpretation of the data. There is also a lack of common policy solutions due to two diverging pension reform paradigms: the adequacy paradigm and the sustainability paradigm. Although the latter increasingly has incorporated an adequacy perspective that limits pure cost containment policies, Europe 2020 limits the scope for positive social policy measures linked to the adequacy approach because it prioritizes a low tax wedge and growth-enhancing initiatives.

scholarly journals INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE OF SOCIAL PROTECTION OF FAMILIES RAISING CHILDREN WITH DISABILITIES

2021 ◽  
pp. 239-244
Author(s):  
Tetiana Shapovalova ◽  
Daryna Shuminska
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Children With Disabilities ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Welfare Provision ◽  
Raising Children ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
Families With Children

Introduction. At present, the priority of social policy in Ukraine is to ensure a fair standard of living for all categories of the population who find themselves in difficult life circumstances, including families raising children with disabilities. Over the past 5 years, the number of Ukrainian families raising children with disabilities has increased by 20% according to the State Statistics Service of Ukraine. This is due to various environmental, social, economic, and other factors that harm the general health of the population. In the research circle, scholars consider the family as a center for the upbringing and development of a child with a disability, because for this child, the family is primarily the main environment for rehabilitation. However, the family cannot be considered solely from the point of view of rehabilitation, because the family is a social group that carries out its activities based on a common economic, domestic, moral, and psychological way of life. Families with children with disabilities face many difficulties and problems, from medical to social, but the most pressing and common problems of such families are financial. Given the economic situation in Ukraine and the economic opportunities of Ukrainian families, it is safe to say that the social security system in Ukraine is not able to fully help families raising children with disabilities financially, as benefits are insignificant and the variability of such benefits is negligible. This actualizes the study of social protection of families with children with disabilities, in particular the study of international innovative methods of social welfare provision to this category of the population. The aim of the article is a theoretical analysis of global innovation mechanisms and approaches to social welfare provision to families raising children with disabilities for their further implementation in Ukraine. Methodology. The theoretical foundation of this article is based on world socio-economic theories, scientific approaches to solving problems of social welfare, and the social work theories. General scientific research methods were used, in particular, structural-functional to reveal the types of social assistance and existing technologies and methods of calculating social benefits for families raising children with disabilities in Ukraine; comparison – to study the world's innovative social welfare technologies. Results. It has been confirmed that the social welfare provision to families raising children with disabilities is one of the priority tasks of social policy both in Ukraine and in the world. An analysis of international innovative mechanisms and approaches of social welfare provision to families, who raise children with disabilities has been carried out. Improvement of the Ukrainian social welfare system has been suggested by introducing world tendencies of social protection of families raising children with disabilities.

scholarly journals Personnel vs. Social Company Policy on the Modern Market

2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Ксения Карасёва ◽  
Kseniya Karasyova
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Social Orientation ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Personnel Policy ◽  
Company Policy ◽  
The Social ◽  
Increase Productivity ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Market Relations

The paper features the personnel and the social company policies and their interdependence. It contains classical definitions, as well as basic directions of staff management and personnel policy. In addition, the paper introduces an authentic definition of personnel policy. Social policy is interpreted from the point of view of "narrow" and "broad" approaches. Formation and implementation of personnel and social policies are regarded as key conditions for the effective functioning of business under the influence of market relations, competition and social orientation of companies. The author's vision of the correlation and interrelation between the personnel and social policies is revealed through their general characteristics. Personnel and social policies are inextricably linked. Their aim is to increase productivity by narrowing the gap between the interests of the employees and the interests of the organization.

Social Policy and European Union Politics

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Daly
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Policy Model ◽  
The Social ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The Eu

Social policy has a particular character and set of associated politics in the European Union (EU) context. There is a double contestation involved: the extent of the EU’s agency in the field and the type of social policy model pursued. The former is contested because social policy is typically and traditionally a matter of national competence and the latter because the social policy model is crucial to economic and market development. Hence, social policy has both functional and political significance, and EU engagement risks member states’ capacity to control the social fate of their citizens and the associated resources, authority, and power that come with this capacity. The political contestations are at their core territorially and/or social class based; the former crystalizes how wide and extensive the EU authority should be in social policy and the latter a left/right continuum in regard to how redistributive and socially interventionist EU social policy should be. Both are the subject of a complicated politics at EU level. First, there is a diverse set of agents involved, not just member states and the “political” EU institutions (Parliament and Council) but the Commission is also an important “interested” actor. This renders institutional politics and jockeying for power typical features of social policymaking in the EU. Second, one has to break down the monolith of the EU institutions and recognize that within and among them are actors or units that favor a more left or right position on social policy. Third, actors’ positions do not necessarily align on the two types of contestation (apart perhaps from the social nongovernmental organizations and to a lesser extent employers and business interests). Some actors who favor an extensive role for social policy in general are skeptical about the role of the EU in this regard (e.g., trade unions, some social democratic parties) while others (some sectors of the Commission) wish for a more expansive EU remit in social policy but also support a version of social policy pinned tightly to market and economic functions. In this kind of context, the strongest and most consistent political thrust is toward a type of EU social policy that is most clearly oriented to enabling the Union’s economic and market-related objectives. Given this and the institutional set-up, the default position in EU social policy is for a market-making social policy orientation on the one hand and a circumscribed role for the EU in social policy on the other.

scholarly journals Can European Union (EU) Social NGOs Co-operate to Promote EU Social Policy?

2001 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 477-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT GEYER
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Constraints ◽  
The Social ◽  
Operative Strategies ◽  
The Eu

This article examines why, despite similar general interests, institutional positions and political constraints, EU social NGOs find it so difficult to develop co-operative strategies except on the most fundamental issues. To demonstrate these difficulties the article considers the general reasons for and against co-operation between social NGOs and then examines the difficulties and advantages of collective EU social NGO action during the 1998 NGO funding crisis, Red Card protest and civil dialogue. The article argues that there is a fundamental desire for, and are benefits from, close co-operation between the EU social NGOs. However, due to the complex ‘context structure’ within which NGOs must operate, this co-operative impetus is constantly undermined. In conclusion, the article argues that social NGOs will remain weak and insignificant actors until the Commission/Parliament and/or the social NGOs can organise the complex context structure and allow co-operative strategies to emerge.

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