scholarly journals Role amerických a francouzských spolupracovníků v mezinárodní strategii redakčního týmu Sociologické revue ve 30. letech

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2020 SPEC) ◽  
pp. 53-68
Author(s):  
Christopher Montel

Three French sociologists (Bouglé, Duprat and Richard), as well as three sociologists from the United States (Hasek, Rouček and Sorokin), exclusively represented Western sociology in a list of nine foreign collaborators, which featured from 1933 to 1940 on the first page of the Czech periodical Sociologická revue. Duprat and Richard were evidently included in this list at a time when the Masaryk Sociological Society, whose publishing organ was the Sociologická revue, played a significant role in the resumed activities of the International Institute of Sociology. The collaboration of the three “American” sociologists was more participative. It answered the urgent need, according to the revue’s redacting team, to inform readers on the latest developments in the field from America. The names of Bouglé, and above all Sorokin, undoubtedly represented in this list a symbolic advantage for the revue’s redacting team and its international strategy.

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 220-228
Author(s):  
Luca Codignola

Benjamin Franklin played a significant role in the early encounter between Rome and the United States. By highlighting Franklin’s role one is likely to question the two main tenets of traditional Catholic historiography in this regard. First of all, that the Holy See did not unwillingly submit itself to any imposition of newly-devised American democratic procedures in selecting how best to deal with the new republic. Secondly, that Franklin did constantly intervene in religious matters, at least as far as these concerned the establishment of the Catholic Church in the United States. In fact, the adoption of a democratic form of selection of the higher hierarchy was easily accepted and indeed exploited by the Holy See. Furthermore, much was going on underneath the official doctrine of the separation between church and state. This resembled old-regime diplomatic wrangling and had Franklin as its main protagonist.


Significance The government is aligning itself with the emerging international strategy against ISG in Syria. Its push to participate in airstrikes in part reflects a wish to reassert the United Kingdom's role as an international security partner, especially to the United States and France. Impacts The government envisages airstrikes as being needed for at least 12-18 months. The United Kingdom will be important but secondary in the anti-ISG coalition, with the United States continuing to conduct most operations. In the interests of its anti-ISG strategy, the government will temper its insistence on Syrian President Bashar al-Assad stepping down. The risk of an Islamist terrorist attack in the United Kingdom will increase. If Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn comes to be seen as correct in his anti-airstrikes stance, it will further envenom relations on the left.


Significance Bolsonaro’s visit to Davos was his first foreign trip since taking office on January 1. His speech, while trying to portray Brazil as “open for business”, also reinforced the radical change his government is promoting in the country’s foreign policy, from a tradition of pragmatism and multilateralism to a highly ideological and nationalistic stance. This move is less the result of a calculated international strategy than part of an effort to strengthen Bolsonaro’s domestic agenda. Impacts Bolsonaro will struggle to balance “open for business” promises with his nationalistic foreign policy. Emulating Trump’s aggressive stance without having the United States' military and economic power risks seriously weakening Brazil globally. Brazil’s new climate change scepticism will further weaken global efforts in this area.


1989 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 299-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. A. Sorokin

Sorokin, Pitirim Alexandrovich, born January 21,1889, in the small village of Turia in Russia [died 1968]. Student at the Teachers' Seminary in the province of Kostroma in Russia (1903–6), at the evening school in St. Petersburg (1907–9), at the Psycho- Neurological Institute in St. Petersburg (1910–14); Magistrant of Criminal Law (1915); Ph.D in Sociology (1922); Privatdozent at the Psycho-Neurological Institute (1914–16), at the University of St. Petersburg (1916–17); Professor of Sociology at the same university (1919–22); Professor of Sociology at the Agricultural Academy (1919–22), at the University of Minnesota (1924–30); Chairman of the Department of Sociology at Harvard University from 1930. Member of the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Peasant's Soviet (1917); Secretary to the Prime Minister [ Kerensky ] (1917); member of the Russian Constitutional Assembly (1918); sentenced to death and finally exiled by the communist administration (1922); emigrated to the United States (1923), naturalized (1930). Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American Sociological Association; honorary member of the International Institute of Sociology of the Czechoslovakian Academy for Agriculture, of the German Sociological Society, and of the Ukrainian Sociological Society; President of the International Institute for Sociology (1936–37). Member of the Greek-Orthodox Church.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Czajkowski

OUTER SPACE IN THE SECURITY STRATEGY OF THE UNITED STATES This book contributes to a necessary effort to understand the impact of human activities in outer space on international security. Its specific task is to grasp the changing role of space applications for the security of the United States. It is not, however, a treatise on military doctrine or modern warfare, neither it is a handbook on technology. Instead, it utilizes paradigms of international relations to extract the political dimension out of this so highly technical issue. The book contains five chapters. In the first chapter, we find the analysis of some theoretical and legal aspects of the relationship between human activities in outer space and security with its multiple dimensions. The considerations of chapter two revolve around the science and technology of space applications with special attention to security issues. It is not, however, a technical manual but rather the comprehensive, general description of the characteristics of outer space presented for the sake of comprehensiveness of the whole argument. Chapter three contains a description of the historical background, which means the evolution of military space applications. But again, it does not provide detailed technical knowledge but rather concentrates on the political and strategic dimension. Chapter four is the essential part of the book as it depicts the space security policy of the United States against the background of the general international strategy of the U.S. And finally, chapter five contains some thoughts about specific issues related to the space security. The most general findings expressed in this book are as follows. Firstly, the core elements of the United States international strategy and foreign policy rely heavily on the unhampered use of space applications. But, secondly, the capabilities that these applications provide with, are increasingly contested by many international players. These competitors not only have the abilities to negate some of the American space-borne capabilities, but also create their own, similar. The latter contributes greatly to the narrowing of the technology advantage of the U.S. over its peers. And thirdly, this problematic situation will persist, compelling the United States to at least try to reverse the process of loosing of what is sometimes called the space hegemony.


2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-99
Author(s):  
David H. Warren

This publication, a collection of ten essays incorporating both quantitative andqualitative studies, has emerged as part of a lengthy research project conductedby the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT) and the Center for Islamand Public Policy (CIPP) beginning in 2004 and concluding in 2007. Naturally,given the state of relations between the United States and those countries perceivedas comprising the “Muslim World,” as well as regular controversies andscandals relating to the American Muslim minority and those who purport toobserve, study, and teach others about them and their religion, such a study isparticularly welcome. The studies included are aimed at both students and specialists,not only in the field of “Islamic studies” itself, but also more broadlywith regard to such related academic fields as theology and anthropology. Anotheraudience is the more general interested reader who might wish to learnwhat may (or may not) have changed in that field attacked so successfully inEdward Said’s great polemic, that its title Orientalism ultimately entered Islamicstudies as a truly condemnatory and pejorative slogan ...


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-122
Author(s):  
Zala Pavšič

This article on the Yugoslavian version of the board game Monopoly is based on the assumption that things make people. In accordance with this a concept, the contribution begins with a historical overview of the development of this game in the United States, from its origins when it spreads around the country as a popular game, to the current day, when Monopoly is marketed a leading corporation in the field of board games, Hasbro. The popularity of the game is also evident from its presence in the public space in the form of metaphors: because of its emphasis on trading, it is sometimes referred to “greed”, and in the Balkans it can also serve as a metaphor for the nation state.In the memories of my interlocutors who helped me with their testimonies, the Yugoslav version of Monopoly is associated with pleasant memories: especially of childhood, youth and relatives or friends with whom they used to play the game. In my interviews I focused on two topics which did not play such a significant role in the testimonies of the interlocutors, but were, however, common in the testimonies of interviewees who got acquainted with the game as children: to the question of the supposed superiority of Slovenia, as Bled and Bohinj were the most expensive properties, and the presumption that Monopoly is a game which can reproduce cultural memory, in this case knowing the geography of the former common state. The thesis on Slovene superiority proved to rely on generations to which my interviewees belonged, since it appeared especially in the answers of the interlocutors who were born in the late 1980s. Hence, I assume that this thesis was more likely a projection of the outside reality of my interlocutors into the game than vice versa.Analysing the answers of my interlocutors more thoroughly, I reached the conclusion that Monopoly often appeared as the first reference through which they heard about a certain resort in the regions of the former Yugoslavia. This means that Monopoly contained traces of cultural memory which other sources of our everyday lives, education and upbringing ceased to transmit.


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