The Confession of Time in Augustine

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 5-56
Author(s):  
John Milbank ◽  

The apparent contradiction between subjective and objective approaches to time in Augustine can be resolved if it is understood that he regarded cosmic time and the finite things it engenders as being of itself, in some sense, both psychic and self-recording. This interpretation holds whether or not Augustine affirms a world soul. It is justifiable in terms of the continued applicability of his earlier liberal-arts writings to his later texts and his blending of Plotinian vitalism, Porphyrian spiritualism, and his own ‘theurgism’ (especially in his commentary on the Psalms), which is parallel to that of Iamblichus. Augustine’s ‘musical ontology’, which is also a metaphysics of number, word, and seminal reason, leads him to develop a theory of time and memory that anticipates more the spiritual realism of Bergson than it does idealist and phenomenological philosophies. However, for Augustine, time as an image of eternity remains aporetic, and its aporia is ‘resolved’ only by the Incarnation and its sustaining as the liturgical and political community of the Church. Through Christological, and not just angelic, mediation, our memories and expectations truly reach to past and future realities, just as our intentions reach to really located things, but only because all of these are both inherently psychic/intellectual and sustained by the divine eternity.

1977 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 135-171
Author(s):  
Margaret A. Boden

The truth can be dangerous. It is because they realise this that the Roman Catholic Church forbid cremation. Cremation is, of course, theologically permissible, and in times of epidemic the Church allows it. But in normal times it is forbidden — Why? The reason is that the Church fears the influence of the image associated with it. It is difficult enough for the faithful to accept the notion of bodily resurrection after having seen a burial (knowing that the body will eventually decay in the ground). But the image of the whole body being consumed by flames and changing within a few minutes to a heap of ashes is an even more powerful apparent contradiction of the theological claim of bodily resurrection at the Day of Judgement. (Indeed, the ban on cremation was introduced when the French Freemasons held anti-Catholic demonstrations, in which they burned their dead saying ‘There, you see: they won't rise again!’) In short, instead of relying only on abstract theological argument, which very likely would not convince their flock in any case, the Church deals with this threat to faith by attacking the concrete image.


2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-59
Author(s):  
Sarvani Gooptu

The transition from patriotism and sense of community to the creation of the distinct political community in early twentieth century was through an imaginative interpretation of history in the writing of Dwijendralal Roy (1863–1913), a poet, dramatist and composer of Bengal. Imagination through creative ‘use’ of history had been directed to underline the location of time and space of an emotive community. By this, one could retrieve, criticize and create this emotion through time and space, its definitiveness continuously shifting, evolving, through family, country and community. In the process of creating a nation the notion of the ‘other’ was necessary. This other with all its cultural connotations was found in the stereotypes of ‘Muslim’ and ‘Islam’ in opposition to ‘Rajput’ and ‘Hindu’. It is through these oppositional levels and the interplay of these oppositions that a new nation state could be formed. The notion of Muslim rule as the external enemy was created whose historical function was to provide the occasion for a heroic battle in which virtue could be highlighted. Even within this tradition of writing Dwijendralal brought in a strong note of moderation. There is neither a very powerful tendency to praise everything ‘Hindu’, nor look down upon Islam, which sometimes created apparent contradiction. Where there is valourization of the Rajputs in the ‘Rajputs plays’ it has been placed in the context of the Mughals as the ‘other’. But in the study of the Mughals in the ‘Mughal plays’ there is a concentration on the family and kinship. Both the types are set in about the same time frame yet the values stressed on are different. An analysis of Dwijendralal’s ‘historical’ plays brings into focus an attempt at rewriting history to transcend history as a discipline with its boundaries of time and space, intertwining facts and imagination, through real and created characters to establish the need for a universal ethos.


1976 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Robert H. Ayers

In spite of the fact that it is often ignored, one of the interesting features in the thought of some of the early Church Fathers, was a considerable skill at language and logical analysis. Given the basic liberal disciplines of Greco-Roman education it is not surprising that those Fathers who were fortunate enough to receive formal education were able to utilise the skills of rhetoric and logic as well as other skills of the liberal arts. Also it is ńot surprising that later great thinkers of the church informed by the liberal arts and by the writings of the earlier Fathers should make use of these skills. This is surely the case with Saint Augustine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-135
Author(s):  
Ad de Bruijne

RésuméLes chrétiens ont souvent fait face à des tensions entre leur identité chrétienne et leur statut de citoyens d’une démocratie. Ces tensions constituent une forme particulière de l’inévitable problème fondamental que rencontrent les chrétiens dans toute société au sein de laquelle ils vivent. À la suite de Saint Augustin, on peut exprimer cela en terme de la difficulté à articuler la double appartenance, à la cité de Dieu d’une part et à la « cité des hommes » de l’autre. En dépit de ces tensions, et en vertu de la providence divine, la participation des chrétiens peut aussi contribuer à des bénédictions temporaires pour la société à laquelle ils appartiennent. L’histoire du monde occidental en fournit bien des exemples, dont fait partie l’émergence même des démocraties. Dans le contexte postchrétien actuel, ces fruits historiques de l’influence chrétienne sont souvent dissociés de leurs racines et deviennent par conséquent instables, ou sont contrecarrés par des difficultés, voire des impasses. Ayant conservé leurs racines, les chrétiens peuvent souvent clarifier les choses et proposer des solutions. La contribution chrétienne peut s’avérer fructueuse, par exemple dans le contexte contemporain de l’opposition entre la version libérale de la démocratie de l’Europe occidentale et la version non libérale de l’Europe de l’Est. L’auteur conclut en mentionnant cinq points devant retenir l’attention concernant la participation de chrétiens à la vie d’une démocratie : il s’agit de rester attaché à l’Église qui constitue la communauté politique du Royaume à venir, de considérer l’identification à un organe politique terrestre comme demeurant secondaire, de promouvoir des activités au bénéfice de la société depuis le sein de l’Église, de tenir compte du fait que les objectifs moraux dans le contexte de la société doivent être différents de ceux que l’on adopte dans le contexte de l’Église, et de demeurer fidèle à un style de vie prophétique par la parole et les actes.SummaryChristians have traditionally experienced tensions between their Christian identity and their citizenship in a democracy. This tension is a special variant of the inevitable underlying classical challenge for Christians in all societies where they live. Following Augustine, this can be expressed as the challenge to combine the dual citizenships of the city of God and the ‘city of man’. Despite such tensions, under God’s providence the participation of Christians can also lead to temporary blessings for their societies. Western history provides many examples of this, the development of democracy being one of them. In the current post-Christian context these historical fruits of Christian influence have often become detached from their roots and therefore become unstable or burdened by difficulties and even deadlocks. Being still connected to that root, Christians can often provide clarification and contribute to solutions. This Christian contribution can be made fruitful, for example, in the contemporary clash between Western European liberal and Eastern European illiberal versions of democracy. The article concludes with five points of attention for Christian participation in a democracy: staying anchored in the Church as the political community of the future kingdom, considering earthly political identifications as secondary, developing public grass roots activities from within the Church, realising that moral aims in the context of society have to be different from those in the context of the Church, and remaining faithful to a prophetic lifestyle in word and deed.ZusammenfassungChristen erleben für gewöhnlich Spannungen zwischen ihrer Identität als Christ und als Staatsbürger in einer Demokratie. Diese Spannung stellt eine besondere Variante der unvermeidlichen klassischen Herausforderung dar, der Christen in jeglicher Gesellschaftsform begegnen. Gemäß Augustinus mag sich dies in der Schwierigkeit ausdrücken, die doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft in der ,,Stadt Gottes“ und der ,,Stadt der Menschen“ miteinander zu vereinen. Trotz derartiger Spannungen kann durch die Vorsehung Gottes auch der Einfluss von Christen zu vorübergehenden Segnungen für ihre Gesellschaft führen. Die westliche Geschichte liefert viele Beispiele hierfür, und die Entwicklung der Demokratie ist nur eines davon. Im gegenwärtigen nachchristlichen Kontext haben sich diese historisch gewachsenen Ergebnisse christlichen Einflusses häufig von ihren Wurzeln gelöst und wurden daher unstabil oder von Schwierigkeiten und sogar Blockaden überfrachtet. Solange Christen immer noch mit diesen Wurzeln verbunden sind, sind sie oftmals in der Lage, für eine Klärung von Situationen zu sorgen und zu Lösungen beizutragen. Dieser christliche Einfluss kann zum Beispiel im gegenwärtigen Konflikt zwischen liberalen westeuropäischen und illiberalen osteuropäischen Formen von Demokratie genutzt werden. Der Artikel schließt mit fünf Punkten, die für den Beitrag von Christen in einer Demokratie zu berücksichtigen sind: Christen bleiben in der Gemeinde als der politischen Gemeinschaft des künftigen Reiches Gottes verhaftet, säkulare politische Zuordnungen werden als sekundär betrachtet, öffentliche Basisaktivitäten werden aus der Gemeinde heraus entwickelt, in der Einsicht, dass sich ethische Zielsetzungen im gesellschaftlichen Kontext von jenen im Gemeindekontext unterscheiden müssen und unter der Voraussetzung, dass Christen einem prophetischen Lebensstil in Wort und Tat treu bleiben.


2007 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-195
Author(s):  
Steven John Reid

While debate has arisen in the past two decades regarding the foundation of Edinburgh University, by contrast the foundation and early development of Marischal College, Aberdeen, has received little attention. This is particularly surprising when one considers it is perhaps the closest Scottish parallel to the Edinburgh foundation. Founded in April 1593 by George Keith, fifth Earl Marischal in the burgh of New Aberdeen ‘to do the utmost good to the Church, the Country and the Commonwealth’,1 like Edinburgh Marischal was a new type of institution that had more in common with the Protestant ‘arts colleges’ springing up across the continent than with the papally sanctioned Scottish universities of St Andrews, Glasgow and King's College in Old Aberdeen.2 James Kirk is the most recent in a long line of historians to argue that the impetus for founding ‘ane college of theologe’ in Edinburgh in 1579 was carried forward by the radical presbyterian James Lawson, which led to the eventual opening on 14 October 1583 of a liberal arts college in the burgh, as part of an educational reform programme devised and rolled out across the Scottish universities by the divine and educational reformer, Andrew Melville.3


2006 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory A. Kalscheur

As a Jesuit priest whose ministry includes the teaching of constitutional law, I regularly struggle with the task of interpreting two foundational normative texts: the Bible and the U.S. Constitution. The Bible plays a central normative role in the life of the Church, while the Constitution provides a normative framework for American law and politics. These texts ground the ongoing lives of both the Church and the American political community. Both of these textually constituted communities face the challenge of appropriating for contemporary experience a normative text produced in a significantly different historical context. But can American constitutional lawyers learn anything from the ways in which the Bible has been interpreted within the life of the Church?Jaroslav Pelikan, eminent historian of the Church's doctrinal tradition and Sterling Professor of History Emeritus at Yale, believes that those engaged in the enterprise of constitutional interpretation can indeed learn something from the history of biblical interpretation. Drawing on a life-long “study of the twenty centuries of interpreting Christian Scriptures,” Pelikan offers his new book,Interpreting the Bible and the Constitution, in the hope that it “may be of some help and illumination … to those who stand in the tradition of the two centuries of interpreting American Scripture.” (37)


Horizons ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-270
Author(s):  
Matthew A. Shadle

ABSTRACTIn a series of recent articles and books, the Catholic theologian William T. Cavanaugh has leveled a profound challenge to the modern state. He critiques its pretentions to be a savior and to provide social cohesion. He proposes that the church should provide resistance to, and even be an alternative to, the modern state. While Cavanaugh draws creative insights from Augustine's political thought, he misuses that thought in ways that dismiss the positive goods provided by the government. Cavanaugh also makes a positive contribution to Catholic social ethics by employing “the social imaginary” to describe the modern state, but overemphasizes the states historical distinctiveness, downplaying what it has in common with earlier forms of political community, namely the pursuit of bodily well-being and social organization.


1977 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 135-171
Author(s):  
Margaret A. Boden

The truth can be dangerous. It is because they realise this that the Roman Catholic Church forbid cremation. Cremation is, of course, theologically permissible, and in times of epidemic the Church allows it. But in normal times it is forbidden — Why? The reason is that the Church fears the influence of the image associated with it. It is difficult enough for the faithful to accept the notion of bodily resurrection after having seen a burial (knowing that the body will eventually decay in the ground). But the image of the whole body being consumed by flames and changing within a few minutes to a heap of ashes is an even more powerful apparent contradiction of the theological claim of bodily resurrection at the Day of Judgement. (Indeed, the ban on cremation was introduced when the French Freemasons held anti-Catholic demonstrations, in which they burned their dead saying ‘There, you see: they won't rise again!’) In short, instead of relying only on abstract theological argument, which very likely would not convince their flock in any case, the Church deals with this threat to faith by attacking the concrete image.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Ionut Untea

AbstractThe article brings into focus a series of political arguments of Stanley Hauerwas's “theological politics” and argues that these arguments are in stark contrast with the theoretical perspective of a political rule by a god-like Leviathan, an image inherited in modern and contemporary political culture from the early modern English philosopher Thomas Hobbes. The first section focuses on Hauerwas's arguments regarding the political potential of the term “Catholicity” to represent an alternative to the coercive politics reinforced by the post-Enlightenment nation state. The second section proposes a reflection on the way the Church's Catholicity may be expressed politically without falling into the temptation of involving the Leviathan to sort out the issues generated by its diversity. The concluding section illustrates how Hauerwas uses his approach of a universal unity of Christians “without Leviathan” in his exhortation addressed to American Christians to say “no” to Donald Trump's version of communal unity that is rather based on “total allegiance” to the United States and on “repressive politics”.


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