Tribunal Constitucional y proceso secesionista catalán: respuestas jurídico-constitucionales a un conflicto político-constitucional

The Political ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Title V ◽

Participatory Process ◽

Constitutional Democracy ◽

Spanish Constitution ◽

En este estudio se pasa revista a las cinco sentencias dictadas por el Tribunal Constitucional entre 2014 y 2015 en relación con el proceso secesionista iniciado en Cataluña en 2012. Buena parte de las impugnaciones siguen el procedimiento del artículo 161 CE y Título V LOTC y versan unas sobre la constitucionalidad de dos resoluciones aprobadas por el Parlamento de Cataluña en las que se plantea el derecho a decidir, el carácter soberano del pueblo de Cataluña y el inicio del proceso político y de un proceso constituyente, y las otras sobre la regulación y aplicación de los instrumentos para llevar a cabo el proceso secesionista seguido hasta ahora: una llamada consulta popular no referendaria y un proceso de participación ciudadana. Las sentencias advierten contradicciones con la Constitución de las normas y actos impugnados tanto de carácter sustantivo como de orden competencial. Para el Tribunal la reforma constitucional es ineludible a la hora de afrontar el proceso secesionista con respeto al ordenamiento jurídico. Se concluye que el Tribunal en las diferentes sentencias emitidas otorga distinta relevancia a las exigencias de la democracia pluralista y a las de la democracia constitucional.The essay deals with the five rulings dictated by the Constitutional Court in 2014-15 in relation with the secessionist process started in Catalonia in 2012. Most of the cases follow the procedure of section 161.2 Spanish Constitution and Title V of the Organic Law of the Constitutional Court. They are focused on i) the constitutionality of two resolutions passed by the Catalan Parliament on the right to decide, the sovereignty of Catalan people and the beginning of the political and constituent processes and ii) the regulation and exercise of the instruments to reach the secessionist process followed until now: a so-called popular consultation without referendum and a participatory process. The rulings take into account the contradiction of the norms and acts contested with the Constitution, in both substantive and allocation of powers perspectives. For the Court the constitutional amendment is ineluctable to confront the secessionist process. We conclude that the Constitutional Court assumes in the different rulings differently the obligations of a pluralist and of a constitutional democracy.

Courts as Guarantors of Democracy

Constitutionalism ◽

10.1093/oso/9780192896759.003.0006 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 123-135

Author(s):

Samuel Issacharoff

Keyword(s):

South African ◽

Majority Rule ◽

Political Process ◽

The Political ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Democratic Process ◽

Constitutional Democracy ◽

Political Debate ◽

Basic Features

This chapter discusses the judicial oversight of democracy. Three cases indicate how courts act as guarantors of constitutional democracy, suggesting ways they could react to current populist challenges. First, from India, the basic structures decisions set forth the principle that certain constitutional changes, even if procedurally proper, can go too far in undermining the fundamental character of a democratic order. This series of decisions also claims for the judiciary the power and duty to judge when an amendment oversteps this line. Next, the South African Constitutional Court's decision rejecting the draft constitution to replace the apartheid system establishes that protections against untrammelled majority rule are among these basic features of constitutional democracy. Last, a decision of the Constitutional Court of Colombia to disallow a president from running for a third term goes to how courts can protect competition in the political process. Rejecting a properly enacted constitutional amendment that would have permitted a president to run for a third term, the Court feared lack of rotation in office would chill political debate and contestation. Together, these decisions articulate a distinct challenge for apex courts confronting a challenge to the democratic process itself.

El principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales en el ordenamiento constitucional español // The principle of non-regressivity of Social rights in the Spanish Constitutional Law

Revista de Derecho Político ◽

10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20720 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 1 (100) ◽

pp. 849

Author(s):

Miguel Agudo Zamora

Keyword(s):

Social Cohesion ◽

Social Model ◽

Social Rights ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

The European Union ◽

International Treaties ◽

Spanish Constitution ◽

The Social ◽

Legitimate Expectations

Resumen:Este trabajo analiza la situación en el modelo constitucional español del principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales. Se parte del análisis sucinto del modelo social de nuestra Constitución lo que implica el reconocimiento de derechos económicos y sociales. Este reconocimiento es la plasmación constitucional de los principios de solidaridad y de cohesión social. El principio de cohesión social ha sido definido por el Consejo de Europa e incluido explícitamente en los tratados constitutivos de la Unión Europea. La necesidad de lograr la cohesión social fundamenta la inclusión en las Constituciones y en los tratados internacionales del principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales. En la Constitución española de 1978 este principio no se incluye expresamente. La no inclusión en la Constitución de este principio supone un peligro para la cohesión social en tiempos de crisis económica. Por su parte, el Tribunal Constitucional ha sentado una doctrina ambigua sobre este asunto, que ha sido analizada en este trabajo, así como las más significativas aportaciones doctrinales sobre la materia. Para saber cuáles son los limites de la regresividad de los derechos sociales que dotan de contenido este principio se ha realizado una comparativa internacional y de los principios constitucionales. Del estudio del ordenamiento internacional y de los valores y principios constitucionales se ha obtenido una serie de límites a la regresividad del contenido, eficacia y protección de los derechos sociales. Concluye este trabajo sugiriendo una propuesta de reforma constitucional que incluya el principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales en el texto constitucional estableciendo una serie de requisitos de aquellas medidas que puedan suponer una regresión de contenido de los mismos tales como que deberán justificarse plenamente en referencia a la totalidad de los derechos, valores y principios recogidos en la Constitución y en los tratados internacionales suscritos por el Estado español y en el contexto del aprovechamiento pleno del máximo de los recursos de que se disponga; se aplicarán tras el examen más exhaustivo de todas las alternativas posibles; tendrán en todo caso carácter temporal hasta que las circunstancias económicas permitan restablecer el ámbito material de contenido, eficacia, protección y garantía prexistente de los derechos sociales afectados; en todo caso respetarán el contenido mínimo esencial de los derechos sociales como manifestación de la dignidad humana; serán razonables y estarán suficientemente motivadas; no vulnerarán, entre otros, los principios de seguridad jurídica, confianza legítima, no discriminación e irretroactividad de disposiciones restrictivas de derechos individuales, serán proporcionadas y respetarán los principios de solidaridad, cohesión y sostenibilidad social. Summary1. State, solidarity and social cohesion. 2. Doctrinal and jurisprudential notes on the principle of non-regressivity of social rights. 3. Limits to the regressivity of social rights. a) Limits derived from international law. b) Limits derived from dignity as essential content of social rights. c) Limits derived from the prohibition of arbitrariness: the need for sufficient motivation. 4. Conclusion: constitutionalamendment and non-regressivity of social rights.Abstract:This paper analyzes the constitutional recognition of the principle of non-regressivity of social rights in Spain. It starts from the succinct analysis of the social model of our Constitution which implies the recognition of economic and social rights. This recognition is the constitutionalization of the principles of solidarity and social cohesion. The principle of social cohesion has been defined by the Council of Europe and explicitly included in the constitutive treaties of the European Union. The need to achieve social cohesion underpins the inclusion in the Constitutions and international treaties of the principle of non-regression of social rights. In the Spanish Constitution of 1978 this principle is not expressly included. The non-inclusion in the Constitution of this principle poses a danger to social cohesion in times of economic crisis. For its part, the Constitutional Court has established an ambiguous doctrine on this subject, which has been analyzed in this work, as well as the most significant doctrinal contributions on the subject. In order to know which are the limits of the regressivity of the social rights that give content of this principle an international comparison has been made as well as a study of constitutional principles. Limits to the regressivity of content, effectiveness and protection of social rights have been obtained from the study of international order and constitutional values and principles. This paper concludes by suggesting a proposal for constitutional amendment that includes the principle of non-regressivity of social rights in the Spanish Constitution establishing some requirements of those measures that imply a regression of their content such as: they shall be fully justified in relationship with all the rights, values and principles contained in the Constitution and in the international treaties signed by the Spanish State and in the context of full exploitation of the maximum resources available; Shall be applied after a more comprehensive examination of all possible alternatives; Shall in any case be of a temporary nature until the economic circumstances permit the restoration of the content, effectiveness, protection and pre-existing guarantee of the social rights affected; In any case they will respect the essential minimum content of social rights as a manifestation of human dignity; Shall be reasonable and sufficiently motivated; Shall not infringe, inter alia, the principles of legal certainty, legitimate expectations, non-discrimination and non-retroactivity of provisions restricting individual rights; Shall be proportionate and shall respect the principles of solidarity, cohesion and social sustainability.

Fundamentos constitucionais da proteção social: continuidades e ruturas

Sociologia Problemas e Práticas ◽

10.7458/spp2016ne10351 ◽

2016 ◽

Author(s):

Ana Rita Ferreira ◽

Daniel Carolo ◽

Mariana Trigo Pereira ◽

Pedro Adão e Silva

Keyword(s):

Social Security ◽

Social Insurance ◽

Social Protection ◽

Political Action ◽

The Political ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Universal Principles ◽

The Social ◽

Political Choices ◽

This article discusses the ways in which the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic has embodied to the political choices made during the process of creating and defining a democratic welfare state and how the various constitutional principles are reflected in the architecture of the system and have gradually changed over the years. The authors argue that when Portugal transitioned to democracy, unlike other areas of the country’s social policies the social security system retained some of its earlier organising principles. Having said this, this resilience on the part of the Portuguese system’s Bismarckian template has not prevented social protection from expanding here in accordance with universal principles, and has given successive governments manoeuvring room in which to define programmatically distinct policies and implement differentiated reformist strategies. The paper concludes by arguing that while the Constitution has not placed an insurmountable limit on governments’ political action, it has served as a point of veto, namely by means of the way in which the Constitutional Court has defended the right to social protection, be it in the form of social insurance, be it in the imposition of certain social minima.

RESTRICTIONS OF THE POLITICAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS: REGULATORY GROUNDS, MECHANISM OF IMPLEMENTATION

Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Legal Studies ◽

10.17721/1728-2195/2020/3.114-5 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 18-24

Author(s):

O. Kosilova

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Well Being ◽

The State ◽

General Nature ◽

The Political ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Political Rights ◽

Process Implementation ◽

Basic Law ◽

The article examines the problem of restriction of political rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that the protection against unlawful restrictions on political rights and freedoms is particularly important for the functioning of direct and mediatory democracy. The meaning of the concept of «restriction of rights and freedoms» is analyzed. The article addresses the basic principles which should not be violated when the restriction of rights and freedoms is applied. To achieve this goal, the author analyzes the rules of domestic law, the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the rules of international law governing these issues. The author differentiates political rights and freedoms into those that may be restricted in accordance with the provisions of the Basic Law of Ukraine and those that are not subject to any restrictions; features of realization of political rights and freedoms in comparison with other groups of rights, such as social and economic, cultural are defined. Some of the political rights and freedoms that may be restricted are analyzed and ways to restrict them are identified, in particular: the right to join political parties, suffrage, the right to peaceful assembly, rallies, marches and demonstrations, the right to equal access to public service, freedom words, thoughts, views and beliefs. It is noted that from the standpoint of the ECHR it is important to check whether the possibility of restricting the exercise of the right was provided by law; whether the purpose of such a restriction is legitimate; whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society. The legitimate grounds for restricting human rights enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine have been identified: public health; social necessity; rights, freedoms and dignity of citizens; public order; economic well-being; national security; territorial integrity; morality of the population. It is emphasized that in accordance with the practice of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, the restriction of the content and scope of rights and freedoms should be considered as a restriction. It is important that all restrictions were established exclusively by the constitution; were not arbitrary and unjust; the law restricting human rights must be of a general nature; restrictions must be proportionate and justified; they must optimally achieve a legitimate goal with minimal interference in the exercise of rights or freedoms, not to violate the essential content of the relevant right. It is determined that special qualification requirements for holding public positions, as well as participation in the electoral process (implementation of active and passive suffrage) cannot be considered restrictions. It is emphasized that the state, represented by its organs, should refrain from unjustified interference with political rights (for example, from discriminatory restrictions on the suspension of political rights of prisoners, violation of electoral secrecy of the ballot); take measures against possible violations of political rights by third parties (individuals, companies, etc.). It is concluded that restrictions on the exercise of political rights of individuals can be introduced either in favor of guaranteeing the rights of other individuals, or in favor of ensuring the functioning of the state. The legitimate exercise of political rights can be restricted only if the general conditions for interfering with fundamental human rights are met.

Eksistensi Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019

ADLIYA: Jurnal Hukum dan Kemanusiaan ◽

10.15575/adliya.v15i2.13770 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 15 (2) ◽

pp. 103-120

Author(s):

Galih Raka Siwi ◽

Reviansyah Erlianto ◽

Maharani Nurdin

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Political Parties ◽

Political Party ◽

Research Method ◽

Secondary Data ◽

The Political ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Political Field ◽

Legal Uncertainty ◽

The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Article 28 paragraph (1) of the Papua Province Special Autonomy Law). However, the phrase "political party" is considered to have multiple interpretations, thus creating legal uncertainty. Through the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019, the legal uncertainty can be guaranteed by the Constitutional Court Decision. In the future, by looking at the background and real needs of the Papua Province, it is possible to form a Local Political Party in the Papua Province, considering the condition of the Papua Province as a special autonomous region.Partai politik lokal di Indonesia merupakan wujud nyata adanya otonomi khusus di suatu daerah. Kekhususan suatu daerah diatur dalam UUD 1945 Pasal 18B ayat (1). Selain itu, pembentukan partai politik lokal merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia di bidang politik, sebagaimana tercantum dalam Pasal 28E ayat (3) UUD 1945. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Berdasarkan penelitian, Provinsi Papua berhak membentuk partai politik (lihat Pasal 28 ayat (1) UU Otsus Provinsi Papua). Namun, ungkapan “partai politik” dianggap memiliki multitafsir sehingga menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Melalui putusan MK Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019, ketidakpastian hukum dapat dijamin oleh Putusan MK tersebut. Ke depan, dengan melihat latar belakang dan kebutuhan riil Provinsi Papua, dimungkinkan dibentuknya Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua, mengingat kondisi Provinsi Papua sebagai daerah otonomi khusus.

Courting Constitutionalism

Fighting for Virtue ◽

10.7591/cornell/9780801449994.003.0009 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 184-210

Author(s):

Duncan McCargo

Keyword(s):

The Political ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Court Decisions ◽

Significant Evidence ◽

Deep State ◽

Political Stance

This chapter focuses on Thailand's Constitutional Court, which has been characterized as the chosen instrument of a “Deep State” intent on enforcing the political stance of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. A closer inspection of the Constitutional Court, however, suggests a more complex and messy picture. As already seen in a series of Thaksin-related cases across different courts, Thai judges have struggled to implement the royal will—not least because it was often unclear what exactly the King wanted them to do. While there is significant evidence of anti-Thaksin bias in recent Constitutional Court decisions, examination of a pivotal 2012 constitutional amendment case illustrates the ways in which the judges sought to avoid making difficult decisions—which included trying to recuse themselves from hearing the case. During the final decade of the Ninth Reign, the Constitutional Court was frequently wavering, tentative, and downright evasive in its decisions, again reflecting the ambiguous stance adopted by the network monarchy. This was especially the case during the 2011–14 Yingluck government, which enjoyed significant royal favor until its final tumultuous months.

A questão prioritária de constitucionalidade do direito francês

Teoria Jurídica Contemporânea ◽

10.21875/tjc.v2i2.13057 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 2 (2) ◽

pp. 174

Author(s):

Lívia Da Silva Ferreira

Keyword(s):

Judicial Review ◽

Political Institutions ◽

The Political ◽

A Posteriori ◽

French Law ◽

Legal Provision ◽

RESUMO: O modelo francês serviu por anos como único exemplo no qual o controle de constitucionalidade era realizado de maneira preventiva. Em 2008 foi aprovada uma Lei Constitucional com o intuito de modernizar as instituições políticas da França, na qual estava incluída a criação do controle de constitucionalidade a posteriori, que mais tarde foi chamado de Questão Prioritária de Constitucionalidade - QPC. Esse mecanismo tem com principal objetivo conferir aos particulares a prerrogativa de contestar a constitucionalidade de um dispositivo legal que julguem ser violador de seus direitos e liberdades garantidos constitucionalmente. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo efetuar uma breve análise dos fatores que antecederam e influenciaram a reforma supracitada, além apontar consequências e dos efeitos gerados pela criação da QPC no direito francês. ABSTRACT: The French system of judicial review is very specific and for years was used as an example of the only system in which the compatibility exam between laws and the Constitution was performed preventively. In 2008 a constitutional amendment was approved in attempt to modernize the political institutions of France. One of its modernizing measures was the judicial review a posteriori, that later was called Priority Question of Constitutionality or priority preliminary rulings on the issue of constitutionality – QPC. This mechanism aims to confer on individuals the right to challenge the constitutionality of a legal provision they deem to be violating their constitutionally guaranteed rights and freedoms. The main goal of this essay is examine the factors that preceded and influenced this reform and the effects and consequences caused by QPC in French Law.

HAK POLITIK INDIVIDUAL PRA DAN PASCA MENJADI NARAPIDANA DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN

RECHTSREGEL Jurnal Ilmu Hukum ◽

10.32493/rjih.v3i1.6617 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 1

Author(s):

Agus Salim ◽

Asip Suyadi

Keyword(s):

The Political ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Political Rights ◽

Equal Opportunities ◽

Human Right ◽

Before And After ◽

General Elections ◽

The Republic ◽

The Right ◽

Democratic Country

Indonesia is a democratic country. Every citizen has political rights guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.Protection of political rights as a human right owned by every citizen. Protection of citizens' political rights or individual political rights contained in the 1945 Constitution, namely Article 27 paragraph (1) states the equality of all citizens towards law and government; Article 28 concerning freedom; Article 28D paragraph (1) concerning the right to recognition, guarantee, protection and legal certainty for everyone; Article 28D paragraph (3) states that every citizen has the right to obtain equal opportunities in government; and Article 31 paragraph (1) to obtain education. Democracy occurs if there is recognition of political rights and the implementation of political participation of every citizen. Fulfillment of political rights before and after the prisoners also receive protection of their political rights. The political rights of ex-prisoners are protected by the constitution of the 1945 Constitution, Law Number 39 of 1999, and Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, and Constitutional Court Rejection Number 4 / PUU-VII / 2009. Based on this matter, this study aims to find out and analyze individual political rights that are confiscated along with the execution of punishment, and to know and analyze individual political rights to be able to conduct themselves after inmates. This research is descriptive analytical with a normative juridical approach.

Tinjauan Yuridis Putusan Constitutional Review Mahkamah Konstitusi Tentang Hak Mantan Narapidana Untuk Menjadi Pejabat Publik Yang Dipilih

SALAM Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar i ◽

10.15408/sjsbs.v8i5.22472 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 8 (5) ◽

Author(s):

Nanang Nur Wahyudi ◽

Nynda Fatmawati Octarina

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Judicial Review ◽

Universal Declaration ◽

The Political ◽

Constitutional Court ◽

Political Rights ◽

Constitutional Review ◽

Civil And Political Rights ◽

The Republic ◽

Hak Politik dilindungi hukum, baik secara internasional maupun nsional. secara internasional, hak politik diatur Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) dan International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). hak politik juga dilindungi konsitusi kita dan beberapa peraturan Perundang-Undangan lainnya, serutama Undang-Undang no 39 tahun 1999 tentang Hak Asasi Manusia. Adanya ketentuan yang merupakan syarat untuk mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan yang jelas membatasi bahkan meniadakan hak seseorang untuk ikut serta dalam menggunakan hak azasinya. Hal ini jelas merupakan pelanggaran terhadap hak azasi seseorang, yang dalam hal ini hak politik yang dimiliki oleh seorang mantan narapidana khususnya pada kasus korupsi. Apabila kita mencermati ketentuan UUD 1945, maka seorang mantan narapidana juga sebagai warga negara yang memiliki hak politik yang sama dengan warga negara lainnya. Hak Uji materiel terhadap peraturan yang bertentangan dengan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, maka kewenangan hak menguji ada pada Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi memberi kepastian hukum bahwa seorang mantan Narapidana kasus korupsi masih diperbolehkan untuk mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan kepala daerah karena mantan narapidana masih memiliki hak politik sebagai warga negara. Untuk dapat mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan kepala daerah, maka mantan narapidana setelah melewati masa 5 (lima) tahun selesai menjalani masa hukuman dan telah kembali kepada kehidupan masyarakat sebagaimana kehidupan masyarakat lainnya. Menghormati hak politik mantan narapidana kasus korupsi sebagai pengakuan terhadap hak azasi manusia dalam negara Republik Indonesia yang merupakan hak konstitusional yang diatur dalam UUD Tahun 1945. Kata Kunci : Narapidana, Judisial Review, Hak, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ABSTRACTPolitical rights are protected by law, both internationally and nationally. Internationally, political rights are regulated by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Political rights are also protected by our constitution and several other laws and regulations, especially Law No. 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights. There is a provision which is a requirement to run for election which clearly limits and even negates a person's right to participate in exercising their human rights. This is clearly a violation of a person's human rights, which in this case the political rights of an ex-convict, especially in cases of corruption. If we look at the provisions of the 1945 Constitution, an ex-convict is also a citizen who has the same political rights as other citizens. The right to judicial review of regulations that are contrary to the 1945 Constitution, the authority of the right to examine lies with the Constitutional Court (MK). The Constitutional Court's decision provides legal certainty that a former convict in a corruption case is still allowed to run for regional head elections because ex-convicts still have political rights as citizens. To be able to run for regional head elections, ex-convicts after passing through a period of 5 (five) years have finished serving their sentence and have returned to community life as other people's lives. Respect the political rights of ex-convicts of corruption cases as an acknowledgment of human rights in the Republic of Indonesia which are constitutional rights regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Keywords: Prisoners, Judicial Review, Rights, Constitutional Court Decisions

Presidential Term Limits in Nicaragua

The Politics of Presidential Term Limits ◽

10.1093/oso/9780198837404.003.0009 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 159-178

Author(s):

David Close

Keyword(s):

Term Limits ◽

Political Elite ◽

The Political ◽

Constitutional Government ◽

Underlying Factor ◽

Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries ◽

The Right ◽

Personal Rule

Nicaragua is better known for its dictators and revolutions than for its experience with constitutional government. Yet Nicaragua has employed presidential term limits just over half of the time since becoming independent in 1821. Unfortunately, all these efforts were rolled back and the right to unlimited re-election restored. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the change was by coup or revolution, in the twenty-first by constitutional amendment. This chapter examines the four longest-lived examples of Nicaraguan presidential term limits to determine why they were adopted, how they worked, why they were abandoned, and what consequences the rollbacks brought. Although distinct factors were at work in each case, there is one underlying factor common to all: a preference for personal rule among large parts of both the political elite and the citizenry as a whole.