Political Issues

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Solvang Koren
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Government Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Shipping Industry ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Third ◽  
Supportive Role ◽  
Final Segment ◽  
The Government

This section approaches the political issues that concerned Norwegian shipping as part of the international shipping industry, from four separate angles. The first explores the Norwegian Health Policy as it related to merchant seamen between 1890 and 1940. The second explores the establishment of the Norwegian-American line between 1908 and 1913 and the extent to which the government played a supportive role through intervention, incentives, and nation-building strategies. The third continues to explore government support of maritime activity, by looking at the successes of Norwegian shipping in the Interwar period and the factors which enabled large-scale modernisation such as the re-evaluated tax regime that worked in favour of maritime expansion. The final segment examines the visibility of the small nation of Norway on the international maritime stage - particularly the formation of international organisations and networks, and cooperation between shipowners and government with the end goal of promoting Norwegian shipping to the international community. Overall, it determines that the cohesion between politics and trade helped strengthen Norwegian maritime endeavors during the early-twentieth century.

IMF lending will prod Ukraine to sustain reforms

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Capital Markets ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Capital ◽  
Content Type ◽  
International Capital Markets ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Government

Significance After releasing 1 billion dollars in April, the IMF is urging Ukraine to implement land and pension reforms to make it eligible for further lending tranches. The government is finding it hard to pursue controversial changes opposed by many voters and taken up as causes by the political opposition. Gontareva's resignation reflects a lack of government support and is a setback for the reformist camp. Impacts The 'economic war' emerging alongside armed conflict in the east will dent prospects for growth and reform. Failure to secure further IMF financing could accelerate the planned return to international capital markets, perhaps in the third quarter. Attempts to push through reforms such as land sales may lead to increased political strife but not a full-blown political crisis.

scholarly journals The Universal Factory

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-31
Author(s):  
Kevin Rogan
Keyword(s):  
Urban Design ◽  
Smart Cities ◽  
Data Networks ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Critical Data ◽  
The Third ◽  
Material Reality ◽  
Vast Network

Critical data studies have made great strides in bringing together data analysts and urban design, providing an extensible concept which is useful in visualizing the role of local and planetary data networks. But in the light of the experience of Sidewalk Labs, critical data studies need a further push. As smart cities, algorithmic urbanisms, and sensorial regimes inch closer and closer to reality, critical data studies remain woefully blind to economic and political issues. Data remains undertheorized for its economic content as a commodity, and the political ramifications of the data assemblages remain locked in a proto-political schema of good and bad uses of this vast network of data collection, analysis, research, and organization. This paper attempts to subject critical data studies to a rigorous critique by deepening its relationship to the history thus far of Sidewalk Labs’ project in Quayside, Toronto. It is broken into sections. The first section discusses the material reality of Kitchin and Lauriault’s (2014) data assemblages and data landscapes. The second section investigates data itself and what its ‘inherent’ value means in an economic sense. The third section looks at the way the understanding of data promoted by the data assemblage effects smart city design. The fourth section examines the role of the designer in shepherding this vision, and moreover the data assemblage, into existence.

The Tax Farming System in the Early Bangkok Period

1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-399
Author(s):  
Hong Lysa
Keyword(s):  
Coming Of Age ◽  
Farming System ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
The Political ◽  
Administrative System ◽  
The Third ◽  
Revenue Collection ◽  
Tax Farming ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
The Government

When King Chulalongkorn surveyed his realm on his second coronation in 1873 to mark the termination of the five-year regency at his coming of age, he saw much that was in need of reform. The king's assessment was that the monarch was but a figurehead; the existing framework of government was actually run by the leading nobility, foremost of whom were the regent and his family who wielded power based on their long dominance over the key administrative posts and the economic benefits that accrued from their official positions. From Chulalongkorn's viewpoint, the regent's family, which reached the pinnacle of its power during the regency of Chuang Bunnag (1868–73), dominated the bureaucracy, in effect controlled the administration of the country, and enriched itself with great facility at the expense of the king and the country. Through the political patronage that they extended to the tax farmers, the officials had assumed control of the tax farming system, the most pervasive method of revenue collection that was employed in the kingdom since the Third Reign. The germ of King Chulalongkorn's historic reform of the administrative system, restructured along rational, functional lines, thus lay in his desire to regain control over the government and economy, which had been gradually slipping out of the Crown's grip since the reign of his father, King Mongkut. The king was determined not to allow the situation to persist where substantial revenue from the tax farms was being channelled into the coffers of the leading noble families and the tax farmers themselves, to the detriment of the state.

The Political Economy of Privatisation

1992 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Rowthorn ◽  
Ha-Joon Chang
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Private Enterprise ◽  
Public Enterprise ◽  
Critical Examination ◽  
Private Ownership ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Public ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Government

This paper examines some of the main arguments relating to the effect of privatisation on efficiency. It is concerned with both narrow economic issues and wider political issues. After a critical examination of some theories, which assert that private ownership is intrinsically more efficient than public ownership, it is argued that for large scale enterprise there are no strong economic reasons for believing in the superiority of private enterprise. As long as the government in question has the will and the power to make a public enterprise function in a socially efficient fashion, the public enterprise may be just as efficient as private enterprise whilst offering additional economic and social advantages.

scholarly journals Mass Media as an Instrument of Propaganda Policy During the Civil War in Siberia

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-80
Author(s):  
Yuri Petrushin ◽  
Olga Shilova
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Information Transfer ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Information Dissemination ◽  
Specific Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Government Propaganda ◽  
The Government

The article studies information systems of the main political centres operating in Siberia during the Civil War. The Soviet government, the White movement, the allied forces of the Entente were developing a large-scale propaganda in their struggle for power. The articles studies the methods and forms of confrontation of the political centres, their strong and weak points, as well as the channels of information transfer and means of information dissemination. The role of the information aspect during the Civil War in Siberia has not been studied properly so far. One does not have a complete scientific notion of how mass media were related to different political regimes and allies in Siberia. Therefore, the history of the political centres’ struggle for power needs to be widely researched applying interdisciplinary synthesis. It is necessary to consider the information-propaganda policy of the political centres as a specific activity of the governments of Siberia and allies, and as a significant instrument of implementing a new state ideology. In addition, the article discusses the information propaganda policy of the foreign countries participating in the Civil War, revealing the ideological views imposed by the government propaganda of the political centres. Studying the press, telegraph and printing has allowed to define the specific features of the information policy of the political centres. Controlling mass media, effectively set political propaganda contributed to the government stability. The First World War and, then, the Civil War became the pivot point that helped the political centres realise that mass media are the main allies in a crisis as the role and significance of information in society increases profoundly.

Conservatives and the Parliament: State Duma Reform Projects of 1907–1917

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 195-200
Author(s):  
Fyodor A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
State Laws ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Third ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
The Government

 The article is devoted to conservative projects of reforming the State Duma, which was established in Russia in 1906. Those projects can be divided into two groups. Some projects were proposed by Russian nationalists (M.O. Menshikov, I.P. Balashov), who supported Stolypin and claimed to be one of the two main forces of the parliamentary majority. Nationalists sought to preserve the legislative powers of the Duma and stressed that the reform was supposed to strengthen parliamentarism. The projects of the nationalists proposed only partial adjustments to the parliamentary system, but still changing the Basic State Laws (in other words the coup d’état). The government did not support this path. The other projects were initiated by right-wing conservatives (L.A. Tikhomirov, K.N. Paskhalov, prince V.P. Meshchersky). Right-wing conservatives proposed turning the Duma into a legislative institution. This completely changed the political configuration and eliminated the “The Third of June” system. Both nationalist and right-wing projects were rejected by the government, albeit for different reasons: either due to their indeterminate character (nationalist projects) or due to their radicalism (right-wing projects). The ministers invariably considered the reorganization of the Duma more difficult than finding ways to cooperate with it.

Surfing and trying to keep afloat: The political communication process in a highly fragmented coalition led by a ‘Great Mediator’

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Communication Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Elements ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
The Third ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Public Approval ◽  
The Government

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.

The Political Economic Strands

2021 ◽  
pp. 129-153
Author(s):  
Nicholas A. Lambert
Keyword(s):  
Futures Market ◽  
Global Market ◽  
Economic Resources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Market Prices ◽  
Market Intelligence ◽  
The Third ◽  
Strategic Review ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic

In the midst of the strategic review discussed in chapter 5, Arthur Balfour, one of the War Lords, pointed out that selection of strategy should be governed by economic resources and expected duration of the war. Agreeing with him, many officials in the civilian departments of government urged Asquith to pay closer attention to the worstening economic problems, and he began to do so. Civilian officials worried especially over rising wheat prices and the prospect of social unrest. In an effort to solve the problem, the government began to manipulate global market prices through secret trading in the futures market, combined with the management of market intelligence concerning wheat harvests within the British Empire. Closer scrutiny of wheat prices in the third week of January revealed that the problem was both more complex and far worse than the government initially realized. A quintupling of wheat prices seemed imminent.

Continuity in Economic Activity and Policy during the Post-Petrine Period in Russia

1965 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arcadius Kahan
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Economic Activity ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peter The Great ◽  
Private Entrepreneurs ◽  
European Standards ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Entrepreneurs

To discuss economic activity in Russia of the eighteenth century is to deal with an economic and social order that antedates the age of industrialization. Industrial activity in Russia during the eighteenth century was carried on within the political framework of an autocratic state, with ill-defined norms of legal behavior, and against the background of a serf agriculture which reached its apogee during this very period. The state of the industrial arts was low in comparison with western European standards, and the use of waterpower as a motive force in manufactories was introduced in Russia by foreign entrepreneurs only in the seventeenth century. Against this background, the efforts by Peter the Great (reigned 1682–1725) to modernize Russia appear genuinely heroic. The demands of his policy forced the government to engage directly in a vast program of establishing new industries, of converting small handicraft workshops into large-scale manufactories, and of encouraging private entrepreneurs to follow the government's example.

The Specter of ‘Politics’ and Ghosts of ‘Alternatives’ Past: Lebanese ‘Civil Society’ and the Antinomies of Contemporary Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mona Khneisser
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gradual Change ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The City

The Lebanese scene has witnessed important developments since the onset of the garbage crisis, particularly in the translation of ‘civil society’ activism and political disaffection into ‘alternative’ realms of political mobilization and participation. The social movement scene witnessed for the first time on such a large scale the multiplication of campaigns denouncing the political order. However, groups’ contending strategic and ideological orientations raised tensions between tendencies hoping to focus singularly on the garbage crisis and others hoping to place the crisis within its larger structural context. The Hirak’s (movement) inability to affect change compelled several activists towards reformist agendas through the electoral process and logic of gradual ‘change from within.’ The most prominent electoral initiative sought to reclaim the city and representative politics under the name (‘Beirut, My City’). The municipal electoral campaign, however, sidelined contentious political issues and structural inequalities vested in the city in favor of an accommodating developmental programe. Following months of deliberation, Beirut Madinati decided to ‘remain at the local level’, while some of its members joined force with other groups to form nationwide parliamentary electoral alliances, alongside a nascent ‘political party experiment,’ Sabaa (Seven). Exploring the recent developments in ‘alternative’ collective action in Lebanon, this research makes use of a content analysis of Facebook campaigning posts and interview data to study actors’ contending relations to ‘the political.’ The research concludes that rather than reconcile citizens with political participation, nascent groups that claim to represent ‘alternatives’ to the ‘corrupt’ political parties and sectarian political order, instead advance a consensual understanding of politics and social change that is more techno-moral and less contentious.

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