scholarly journals La fraternità tra Gaya e Zambrano: autenticità nella creazione

Monteagudo ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Elena Laurenzi
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Friedrich Nietzsche ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Creative Activity ◽  
Simone Weil ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Maria Zambrano

La amistad entre María Zambrano y Ramón Gaya, que tiene sus raíces en el compromiso político de los años de la República y la Guerra Civil, maduró y se consolidó en los años del exilio romano en el terreno de la creación. En este ensayo me propongo analizar las concordancias existentes en sus respectivas concepciones de la actividad creativa. Para iluminar estas coincidencias, me refiero a la categoría de autenticidad de Ortega, mostrando cómo Gaya y Zambrano la traducen en los términos de la creación, pero también cómo profundizan y radicalizan su interpretación a través de las lecturas de Friedrich Nietzsche y Simone Weil. The friendship between María Zambrano and Ramón Gaya has its roots in the political commitment of the years of the Republic and the Civil War, but matured and consolidated in the years of their exile in Rome, on the terrain of creation. In this essay I propose to analyze the concordances existing in their respective conceptions of creative activity. To illuminate these coincidences, I refer to the Orteghean category of authenticity, showing how Gaya and Zambrano translate it into in terms of creation, but also how they deepen and radicalize its interpretation through the readings of Friedrich Nietzsche and Simone Weil.

Pax and the Politics of Peace

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Roman Imperialism ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Pax Romana ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Insight Into

This book examines the two generations that spanned the collapse of the Republic and the Augustan period to understand how the concept of pax Romana, as a central ideology of Roman imperialism, evolved. The author argues for the integral nature of pax in understanding the changing dynamics of the Roman state through civil war to the creation of a new political system and world-rule. The period of the late Republic to the early Principate involved changes in the notion of imperialism. This is the story of how peace acquired a central role within imperial discourse over the course of the collapse of the Republican framework to become deployed in the legitimization of the Augustan regime. It is an examination of the movement from the debates over the content of the concept, in the dying Republic, to the creation of an authorized version controlled by the princeps, through an examination of a series of conceptions about peace, culminating with the pax augusta as the first crystallization of an imperial concept of peace. Just as there existed not one but a series of ideas concerning Roman imperialism, so too were there numerous different meanings, applications, and contexts within which Romans talked about ‘peace’. Examining these different nuances allows us insight into the ways they understood power dynamics, and how these were contingent on the political structures of the day. Roman discourses on peace were part of the wider discussion on the way in which Rome conceptualized her Empire and ideas of imperialism.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

Token Constitutionalism and Islamic Opposition in Tajikistan

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muriel Atkin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Soviet Rule ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Soviet Central Asia ◽  
Religious Establishment

Abstract Tajikistan is a predominantly Muslim country where the concept of having a constitution is not controversial, but the content of that constitution is. Roughly seventy years of Soviet rule over the territory that became independent Tajikistan at the end of 1991 introduced constitutions as a norm, although the rights the constitutions appeared to accord did not jibe with political reality. The years of Soviet rule also created an environment hostile to Islam, as a result of which some of Tajikistan’s inhabitants ceased to be believers, while many who continued to practice their faith knew little about it other than the rituals of everyday life. In the last years of the Soviet era and the two decades after the breakup of the USSR, Islam was caught up in the political as well as religious controversies that developed in Tajikistan during this upheaval. There was an upsurge of attention to Islam, in a religious sense for some, a cultural and nationalist sense for others, and as a bogeyman for yet others. The Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), the only legal Islamic political party in post-Soviet Central Asia, along with the head of the religious establishment in the republic, the qadi, joined with secular groups advocating reforms that would promote political and economic change. The power struggle between neo-Soviet ruling elites and the opposition led to a civil war (1992-97) in which the neo-Soviets prevailed. Tajikistan’s post-Soviet constitution reflects the emphatic secularism of the neo-Soviets, despite the objections of the IRPT. The post-civil-war government has also enacted legislation reestablishing Soviet-style constraints on Islamic institutions and personnel and has used its power to thwart genuinely pluralistic politics. The IRPT as well as secular opposition parties have felt the effects of the rigged elections and harassment by the regime.

XPDNC/Writing Caesar ("Bellum Ciuile")

1996 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Henderson
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Roman World ◽  
Bellum Gallicum ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Many ◽  
Two Sides

Julius Caesar's "Bellum Ciuile" writes Caesar-articulates a particular construction of its subject: Caesar. The essay shows how writing in the civil war wins and loses the war, and how the writing of the Civil War exploits this throughout its course. The initial suppression of Caesar's letter to the senate in 49 BCE creates a lack which the rest of the text is to supply, and a structure of injustice inflicted on Caesar by villainous manipulation of communiqués. The narrative presents Caesar's withheld claims over and again, in an ever-lengthening set of dramatized formulations and vindications, both in the form of his own behaviour and in its contrast with his enemies'. The many and various roles of writing in the civil war are examined, from orders and despatches to the propagandist war of words, and it is shown how the conflict is moralized through polarity between the letters sent by the two sides. Caesar presents himself as the last proconsular conqueror of the republic, playing the patriotic general from Gaul to Alexandria, where the "Bellum Ciuile" gives out-in time for this the first writer and mythographer of the Roman Empire to hide his hero's overthrow of the political order. It is argued that Caesar runs Bellum Gallicum and "Bellum Ciuile" together to make a seamless continuum, as a vital strategy for occluding, denying, and displacing civil war from the triumphant procession across a welcoming Roman world he offers in the "Bellum Ciuile".

The Fasti for A.D. 70–96

1981 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Gallivan
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Complete List ◽  
Considerable Importance ◽  
Annual Number ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Cases ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Regular Practice

The political and administrative requirements of the Roman state during the early years of the Principate demanded an increase in the annual number of consulars. When Augustus finally acted to remedy this situation in 5 b.c., he introduced a system of suffect consuls and thereby increased the number of consuls from the two per annum of the Republic to four. A regular practice became established whereby one or both of the ordinary consuls retired at the end of June to be replaced in office for theremainder of the year by a suffect consul. For the reigns of Gaius and Claudius additional suffects were included in many years and a new pattern can be seen to have emerged. It was usual now for each ordinarius to hold office for the first six months of the year except in some special cases where the ordinarii resigned at the end of two months and their place was taken by a pair of suffects who remained in office for the next four months to serve out the more regular tenure of the ordinary consuls. Under Nero, the innovation of this two-month ordinary consulship was not perpetuated and ordinarii usually remained in office for the full six months. Suffect consulships throughout the period a.d. 38–68 were held for periods of either two, four or six months.The Civil War of a.d. 68/69 and the consequent changes of emperor broke the above pattern. For 69, there are no fewer than sixteen consuls known to have held office during the year. Such confusion, however, would not be unexpected given the startling events of this year. Of considerable importance to students of the early Empire, therefore, is the question of what happened to the system of allocating consulships during a particular year when the state had once again settled itself down to running in routine under the victorious Flavian emperors. The answer to this question will be of particular importance for prosopographers of the early Empire for whom chronology is the backbone of their investigations, since the fasti for the reigns of Vespasian and Titus are notable for the number of years in which the complete list of consuls is lacking.

Imagining a Battlefield at a Civil War Mistake

2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-97
Author(s):  
Aaron L. Barth
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
North Dakota ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Interpretation ◽  
The U.S

In early September of 1863, Alfred Sully’s command engaged a Dakota encampment at Whitestone Hill in southeastern North Dakota, and the U.S. Army killed 150 to 300 Native men, women and children. In the first decade of the twentieth century, North Dakota Congressman Thomas Marshall and the Grand Army of the Republic erected a Civil War “battlefield” monument at Whitestone Hill. The term “battlefield” reflects the political interpretation of an elite minority, and it has persistently shirked and slighted Whitestone Hill’s multivocal majority.

The Political Presence of the Spanish Bureaucracy

1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Medhurst
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political System ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Spanish Society ◽  
Competing Interests ◽  
The Republic

FOR THIRTY-TWO YEARS GENERAL FRANCO HAS REMAINED HEAD OF the Spanish State and has retained control over the political system which he fashioned during the Civil War. But once Franco is removed from the stage what will happen to the system?The system depends upon the support of a number of groups in Spanish society which coalesced during the Civil War in support of the nationalist cause. These groups were united by a desire for victory over the Republic, but had long term conflicts of interest. Franco's own authority has been due to his skill in arbitrating between these competing elements and in welding them into a durable form of coalition government. Each group has been granted a stake in the regime; for example, conventions have grown up regulating the distribution of government offices between them. But Franco has never permitted any one of them to obtain a monopolistic position. By remaining relatively independent of all factions he has always been free to manoeuvre between the competing interests and to retain the initiative. At the same time, his system has benefited from the reluctance of all groups in the society to press their differences to the point where violence might be renewed.

Peace in Civil War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Source Material ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Structures ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Insight Into

This chapter examines the pressures that the civil wars of the 40s exerted on the conventional political language of the Republic, focusing in particular on the central role of pax in the debates of the time. The letters and speeches of Cicero provide major source material for this period and offer different viewpoints between the expedient and less guarded use of the term pax in order to examine the crisis of the Republic. The literary engagement with the concept is further explored in the works of Sallust and Caesar. An investigation into the language of pax in the numismatic field also provides insight into the engaging and changing application of the term as the political structures of the Republic change.

scholarly journals A desventura e a opção pelos pobres. Simone Weil e a Teologia da Libertação latino-americana

2019 ◽  
Vol 69 (276) ◽  
pp. 772
Author(s):  
Maria Clara Lucchetti Bingemer
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Mystical Experience ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Simone Weil ◽  
Latin American Theology ◽  
Disenchantment With Politics ◽  
Theology Of Liberation

Sob muitos aspectos, a vida de Simone Weil e seu pensamento precederam a Teologia da Libertação. Dez anos antes de os padres operários descerem ao submundo da fábrica moderna para proclamar o evangelho da justiça, e trinta anos antes da TdL proclamar que o mais profundo encontro com Deus devia dar-se no rosto do pobre, SW voltou sua atenção para os oprimidos, caminhou com eles nas fábricas, educou-os, trabalhou nos campos, e falou contra a injustiça. Viveu e fez tudo isso sobre a base de uma filosofia que vê a justiça como existente simultaneamente nas esferas política e religiosa, resultando em pontes de diálogo e demandas radicais. A intersecção entre compromisso político e experiência mística constitui a primeira originalidade de SW assim como seu legado para as gerações que a seguiram. Este artigo pretende refletir comparativamente sobre as convergências entre a vida e o pensamento de SW e as propostas da TdL latino-americana, que ganharam o espaço público nos anos 70 e mudaram a face da Igreja e da sociedade latino-americanas. No século XXI, quando o desencantamento com a política ameaça alienar os seres humanos, transformando-os de seres pensantes em sujeitos consumidores, parece-nos que o legado de SW pode ajudar a reviver e reeditar a inevitável e fecunda tensão entre fé e vida, mística e prática, que sempre acompanhou a civilização judeu-cristã em seu itinerário e sua configuração.Abstract: In many aspects the life and thought of Simone Weil preceded the Theology of Liberation. Ten years before the priest-workers went down to the underworld of the modern factory to proclaim the Gospel of justice and thirty years before the Theology of Liberation proclaimed that the encounter with God should happen in the poor’s face, SW turned her attention to the oppressed, walked with them in the factories, instructed them, worked in the fields and spoke against injustice. She experienced and carried out all this on the basis of a philosophy that sees justice as existing simultaneously in the political and religious spheres leading to bridges of dialogue and radical demands. The intersection between political commitment and mystical experience is the most important original trait in SW’s work and her legacy for the generations that followed. This article intends to reflect comparatively about the convergence between SW’s life and thought and the proposals of the Latin American Theology of Liberation. In the 21st century, when the disenchantment with politics threatens to alienate the human beings, turning them from thinking beings to consumerist subjects, we feel that SW’s legacy can help to revive and to restore the inevitable and fecund tension between faith and life, mysticism and practice that always accompanied the Jewish-Christian civilization in its itinerary and in its configuration.

Simone Weil

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Marovich
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Bare Life ◽  
Intellectual Curiosity ◽  
Creation Theology ◽  
Simone Weil

Few of Giorgio Agamben’s works are as mysterious as his unpublished dissertation, reportedly on the political thought of the French philosopher Simone Weil. If Weil was an early subject of Agamben’s intellectual curiosity, it would appear – judging from his published works – that her influence upon him has been neither central nor lasting.1 Leland de la Durantaye argues that Weil’s work has left a mark on Agamben’s philosophy of potentiality, largely in his discussion of the concept of decreation; but de la Durantaye does not make much of Weil’s influence here, determining that her theory of decreation is ‘essentially dialectical’ and still too bound up with creation theology. 2 Alessia Ricciardi, however, argues that de la Durantaye’s dismissal of Weil’s influence is hasty.3 Ricciardi analyses deeper resonances between Weil’s and Agamben’s philosophies, ultimately claiming that Agamben ‘seems to extend many of the implications and claims of Weil’s idea of force’,4 arguably spreading Weil’s influence into Agamben’s reflections on sovereign power and bare life.

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