Imagining a Battlefield at a Civil War Mistake

2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-97
Author(s):  
Aaron L. Barth
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
North Dakota ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Interpretation ◽  
The U.S

In early September of 1863, Alfred Sully’s command engaged a Dakota encampment at Whitestone Hill in southeastern North Dakota, and the U.S. Army killed 150 to 300 Native men, women and children. In the first decade of the twentieth century, North Dakota Congressman Thomas Marshall and the Grand Army of the Republic erected a Civil War “battlefield” monument at Whitestone Hill. The term “battlefield” reflects the political interpretation of an elite minority, and it has persistently shirked and slighted Whitestone Hill’s multivocal majority.

Pax and the Politics of Peace

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Cornwell
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Roman Imperialism ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Pax Romana ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Insight Into

This book examines the two generations that spanned the collapse of the Republic and the Augustan period to understand how the concept of pax Romana, as a central ideology of Roman imperialism, evolved. The author argues for the integral nature of pax in understanding the changing dynamics of the Roman state through civil war to the creation of a new political system and world-rule. The period of the late Republic to the early Principate involved changes in the notion of imperialism. This is the story of how peace acquired a central role within imperial discourse over the course of the collapse of the Republican framework to become deployed in the legitimization of the Augustan regime. It is an examination of the movement from the debates over the content of the concept, in the dying Republic, to the creation of an authorized version controlled by the princeps, through an examination of a series of conceptions about peace, culminating with the pax augusta as the first crystallization of an imperial concept of peace. Just as there existed not one but a series of ideas concerning Roman imperialism, so too were there numerous different meanings, applications, and contexts within which Romans talked about ‘peace’. Examining these different nuances allows us insight into the ways they understood power dynamics, and how these were contingent on the political structures of the day. Roman discourses on peace were part of the wider discussion on the way in which Rome conceptualized her Empire and ideas of imperialism.

Cicero and Milo

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Realignment ◽  
Political Scene

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.

scholarly journals Towards a ‘Political’ Tibullus: Ceres and Grain in Elegies Books 1 and 2

2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-35
Author(s):  
Victoria Jansson ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Income Inequality ◽  
Roman History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The U.S

This article argues that unfulfilled prayers to Ceres in Tibullus’ elegies are symptomatic of Rome’s grain crises at the end of the Republic and beginning of Empire. My approach includes philological, socioeconomic, and psychoanalytic analysis of the elegies, in which the poet examines the shifting definition of a ‘Roman’ in his day. I seek to demonstrate the ways in which the poet grapples with the political and economic forces at work during the most turbulent period of Roman history: a time when income inequality was roughly equivalent to that of the U.S. and E.U. today.1

Token Constitutionalism and Islamic Opposition in Tajikistan

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muriel Atkin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Muslim Country ◽  
Soviet Rule ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Soviet Central Asia ◽  
Religious Establishment

Abstract Tajikistan is a predominantly Muslim country where the concept of having a constitution is not controversial, but the content of that constitution is. Roughly seventy years of Soviet rule over the territory that became independent Tajikistan at the end of 1991 introduced constitutions as a norm, although the rights the constitutions appeared to accord did not jibe with political reality. The years of Soviet rule also created an environment hostile to Islam, as a result of which some of Tajikistan’s inhabitants ceased to be believers, while many who continued to practice their faith knew little about it other than the rituals of everyday life. In the last years of the Soviet era and the two decades after the breakup of the USSR, Islam was caught up in the political as well as religious controversies that developed in Tajikistan during this upheaval. There was an upsurge of attention to Islam, in a religious sense for some, a cultural and nationalist sense for others, and as a bogeyman for yet others. The Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan (IRPT), the only legal Islamic political party in post-Soviet Central Asia, along with the head of the religious establishment in the republic, the qadi, joined with secular groups advocating reforms that would promote political and economic change. The power struggle between neo-Soviet ruling elites and the opposition led to a civil war (1992-97) in which the neo-Soviets prevailed. Tajikistan’s post-Soviet constitution reflects the emphatic secularism of the neo-Soviets, despite the objections of the IRPT. The post-civil-war government has also enacted legislation reestablishing Soviet-style constraints on Islamic institutions and personnel and has used its power to thwart genuinely pluralistic politics. The IRPT as well as secular opposition parties have felt the effects of the rigged elections and harassment by the regime.

scholarly journals US CIVIL WAR MENURUT FORREST CARTER

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Suryo Sudiro ◽  
Sayit Abdul Karim ◽  
Juhansar Juhansar
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Us Army ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Us ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
History Books ◽  
Us Civil War

A novel may reflect the political interests and actions of the author. The author can make a story that is purposed to alter common consciousness. This article uses historicism as an interpretation theory. Historicism is used to avoid careless interpretation. With historicism, the story written in the novel is matched with historical events written in some history books. Forrest Carter writes a lot about US Civil War. He, in purpose, does not write about slavery that is commonly read as the cause of the US Civil War. He writes a lot about the murder of women and children by the northern US army soldiers in southern districts. He also writes a lot about the cooperation of his white character with a Cherokee. Above all written by Forrest Carter, the influence of his life and his political interests are seen. 

A Subjective Jurisprudence

2020 ◽  
pp. 55-92
Author(s):  
Edward A. Jr. Purcell
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Goals ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Power Limit ◽  
Political Right ◽  
The U.S

This chapter examines Justice Antonin Scalia’s jurisprudence dealing with the U.S. Constitution’s two structural axes, separation of powers and federalism. It argues that both constitutional principles are general, largely indeterminate, and easily manipulable and that Scalia construed them in light of his own subjective goals and values. He was determined to use them instrumentally to expand executive power, limit Congress, and severely restrict federal judicial power. The chapter argues that Scalia regarded separation of powers as more critical and important than federalism because it was better suited to serve his political and institutional goals and that, in joining the Rehnquist Court’s “federalism revolution” in the early twentieth century, he contradicted the position he had taken in his Senate confirmation hearing about the propriety of the Court giving special deference to Congress on federalism issues. Finally, the chapter shows that before he went on the Court, Scalia had made it clear that he viewed both separation of powers and federalism as principles that could and should be interpreted to serve the practical policy goals of the political right.

Crisis, 1859–1867

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonardo Marques
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
The Political ◽  
Transatlantic Slave Trade ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

Chapter 7 looks at the political implications of U.S. involvement in the transatlantic slave trade. It shows how different parties dealt with the growing accusations of U.S. involvement in the traffic during the crisis of the 1850s and the impact of the U.S. Civil War on its suppression.

XPDNC/Writing Caesar ("Bellum Ciuile")

1996 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Henderson
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Roman World ◽  
Bellum Gallicum ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Many ◽  
Two Sides

Julius Caesar's "Bellum Ciuile" writes Caesar-articulates a particular construction of its subject: Caesar. The essay shows how writing in the civil war wins and loses the war, and how the writing of the Civil War exploits this throughout its course. The initial suppression of Caesar's letter to the senate in 49 BCE creates a lack which the rest of the text is to supply, and a structure of injustice inflicted on Caesar by villainous manipulation of communiqués. The narrative presents Caesar's withheld claims over and again, in an ever-lengthening set of dramatized formulations and vindications, both in the form of his own behaviour and in its contrast with his enemies'. The many and various roles of writing in the civil war are examined, from orders and despatches to the propagandist war of words, and it is shown how the conflict is moralized through polarity between the letters sent by the two sides. Caesar presents himself as the last proconsular conqueror of the republic, playing the patriotic general from Gaul to Alexandria, where the "Bellum Ciuile" gives out-in time for this the first writer and mythographer of the Roman Empire to hide his hero's overthrow of the political order. It is argued that Caesar runs Bellum Gallicum and "Bellum Ciuile" together to make a seamless continuum, as a vital strategy for occluding, denying, and displacing civil war from the triumphant procession across a welcoming Roman world he offers in the "Bellum Ciuile".

The Fasti for A.D. 70–96

1981 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Gallivan
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The State ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Complete List ◽  
Considerable Importance ◽  
Annual Number ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Cases ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Regular Practice

The political and administrative requirements of the Roman state during the early years of the Principate demanded an increase in the annual number of consulars. When Augustus finally acted to remedy this situation in 5 b.c., he introduced a system of suffect consuls and thereby increased the number of consuls from the two per annum of the Republic to four. A regular practice became established whereby one or both of the ordinary consuls retired at the end of June to be replaced in office for theremainder of the year by a suffect consul. For the reigns of Gaius and Claudius additional suffects were included in many years and a new pattern can be seen to have emerged. It was usual now for each ordinarius to hold office for the first six months of the year except in some special cases where the ordinarii resigned at the end of two months and their place was taken by a pair of suffects who remained in office for the next four months to serve out the more regular tenure of the ordinary consuls. Under Nero, the innovation of this two-month ordinary consulship was not perpetuated and ordinarii usually remained in office for the full six months. Suffect consulships throughout the period a.d. 38–68 were held for periods of either two, four or six months.The Civil War of a.d. 68/69 and the consequent changes of emperor broke the above pattern. For 69, there are no fewer than sixteen consuls known to have held office during the year. Such confusion, however, would not be unexpected given the startling events of this year. Of considerable importance to students of the early Empire, therefore, is the question of what happened to the system of allocating consulships during a particular year when the state had once again settled itself down to running in routine under the victorious Flavian emperors. The answer to this question will be of particular importance for prosopographers of the early Empire for whom chronology is the backbone of their investigations, since the fasti for the reigns of Vespasian and Titus are notable for the number of years in which the complete list of consuls is lacking.

scholarly journals La fraternità tra Gaya e Zambrano: autenticità nella creazione

Monteagudo ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
Elena Laurenzi
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Friedrich Nietzsche ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Creative Activity ◽  
Simone Weil ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Maria Zambrano

La amistad entre María Zambrano y Ramón Gaya, que tiene sus raíces en el compromiso político de los años de la República y la Guerra Civil, maduró y se consolidó en los años del exilio romano en el terreno de la creación. En este ensayo me propongo analizar las concordancias existentes en sus respectivas concepciones de la actividad creativa. Para iluminar estas coincidencias, me refiero a la categoría de autenticidad de Ortega, mostrando cómo Gaya y Zambrano la traducen en los términos de la creación, pero también cómo profundizan y radicalizan su interpretación a través de las lecturas de Friedrich Nietzsche y Simone Weil. The friendship between María Zambrano and Ramón Gaya has its roots in the political commitment of the years of the Republic and the Civil War, but matured and consolidated in the years of their exile in Rome, on the terrain of creation. In this essay I propose to analyze the concordances existing in their respective conceptions of creative activity. To illuminate these coincidences, I refer to the Orteghean category of authenticity, showing how Gaya and Zambrano translate it into in terms of creation, but also how they deepen and radicalize its interpretation through the readings of Friedrich Nietzsche and Simone Weil.

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