scholarly journals OM AT VENTE OG IKKE VIDE: Tid og disciplin i en engelsk primary school

Author(s):  
Anne Lærke

Anna Lærke: Waiting Patiently: Time and Discipline in an English Primary School In 1994-96, the author conducted fieldwork among young children in an English village. The article focuses on local notions and practices of discipline in the village primary school, specifically on the use of time as a disciplinary technique. The term “discipline” is used, in a broad sense, to denote practices. strategies, and ideas involved in children’s and adults’ demarcations of one another’s identities. Thus, it is argued, adult and child notions of age as a naturalized measure of children’s (but not adults’) identity, and adult time-controlling practices such as timescheduling and pausing, play into, and in tum construct, notions of “the Child” as more “biologically determined” and less socially skilied than “the Adult”. With reference to examples from the field, the author asks to what extent one can theorize child practices such as “disruptive behaviour” and “slowness” as expressions of pupil resistance to teacher domination in the school. It is tentatively suggested that adult-child relations be viewed not as simple dominationsubordination relations, but rather as complex and continuous negotiations of relative values.

Author(s):  
Asta Cekaite

AbstractThis study examines normativity of affect and the affective embeddedness of normativity, instantiated as verbal and embodied stances taken by the participants in adult-child remedial interchanges. The data are based on one year of video fieldwork in a first-grade class at a Swedish primary school. An ethnographically informed analysis of talk and multimodal action is adopted. The findings show that the children’s affective and normative transgressions provided discursive spaces for adult moral instructions and socialization. However, the children’s compliant responses were resistant and subversive. They were designed as embodied double-voiced acts that indexed incongruent affective and moral stances. The findings further revealed several ways of configuring embodied double-voiced responses. The children juxtaposed multiple modalities and exploited the expectations of what constitutes appropriate temporal duration, timing, and shape of nonverbal responses. They (i) combined up-scaled verbal and embodied hyperbolic rhetoric when the teachers’ talk required but minimal responses, and (ii) configured antithetical affect displays, e.g., crying and smiling, or overlaid bodily displays of moral emotion (sadness, seriousness, and smiling) with aligning but exaggerated gestures and movements. Subversive, embodied double-voiced responses simultaneously acquiesced with and deflected the responsibility and effectively derailed a successful closure of remedial interchange.


Author(s):  
Filiz Meşeci Giorgetti

In the 1930s, the primary schooling rate in Turkey was significantly low compared to the European states. Ninety percent of the population lived in villages without any schools and teachers. Therefore, promoting primary education was addressed as an issue concerning villages in Turkey. The seeds of the intellectual infrastructure in the emergence of institutes were sown at the beginning of the 20th century, during the Ottoman rule. To train teachers for villages, Village Teacher Training School [Köy Muallim Mektebi] was founded in 1927 and Village Instructor Training Course [Köy Eğitmen Kursu] in 1936. However, these initiatives were not sufficient in terms of quality and quantity. Village teacher training experiences, new education, and work school trends of Europe were analyzed by Turkish educators, opinions of foreign and Turkish experts were received, and the Village Institutes [Köy Enstitüleri] project was carried into effect based on the realities of Turkey. The first Village Institutes opened in 1937. They were established in a restricted area, with a limited budget, and a non-common curriculum until the Village Institute Law was promulgated in 1940. On April 17, 1940, the law prescribing their establishment was approved by the parliament. The number of the Village Institutes, which spread over the Turkish geography evenly, reached 21 by 1949. The period between 1940 and 1947 was when the Village Institutes were most productive. Learning by doing and principles of productive work were embraced at the Village Institutes. The curriculum consisted of three components: general culture, agriculture, and technical courses. In addition to their teaching duties, the primary school teachers that graduated from the Village Institutes undertook the mission of guiding villagers in agricultural and technical issues and having them adopt the nation-state ideology in villages. World balances changing after the Second World War also affected the Village Institutes. In 1946, the founding committee of the Village Institutes were accused of leftism and had to leave their offices for political reasons. After the founding committee stepped aside, the Village Institutes started to be criticized by being subjected to the conflict between left-wing and right-wing. Following the government changeover in 1950, radical changes regarding the curricula, students, and teachers of the institutes were made. Making the Village Institutes unique, the production- and work-oriented aspects were eliminated, and the institutes were closed down in 1954 and converted into Primary School Teacher Training Schools. Although the Village Institutes existed only between 1937 and 1954, their social, economic, and political effects were felt for a long time through the teachers, health officers, and inspectors they trained.


2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 265-272
Author(s):  
Jeffrey F. Hine ◽  
Ryan T. Hajek ◽  
Holly J. Roberts ◽  
Keith D. Allen

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 37-42
Author(s):  
O. Petrashko

The author of the article invites the reader to return to the origins of the emergence of the culture of society, to consider the educational value of folklore, understood in a broad sense, as a phenomenon of the artistic creativity of the people - verbal, decorative and applied, musical, dance. The article provides examples of the use of folklore works of oral folk art and decorative and applied arts in the educational and extracurricular activities of a younger student, allowing him to form respect for the traditions that underlie the national culture of the peoples of our country, to contribute to the spiritual and moral development of his personality.


1972 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clive Dewey

To a degree exceptional even in that age of historical recovery and sociological discovery, awareness of the village community was a creation of the later nineteenth century. With due allowance for the contribution of the German historical school, it was—within the English-speaking world—an Anglo-Indian creation. In England, save for a handful of ‘survivals’, the village community was a purely historical phenomenon, studied by historians; but in India it was an omnipresent reality, utilized by revenue officials in assessing and collecting the land revenue. From the efforts of these groups—historians and revenue officials—to comprehend substantially similar institutions two intellectual traditions derived. Originating in complete independence of one another, both traditions converged in the third quarter of the nineteenth century for a brief, intense, period of cross-fertilization—only to separate as totally again. What made their convergence possible was the rising popularity of evolution and ‘comparative method’—which insisted on the essential identity of the defunct English village community and the living Indian village, separate in space and time, but co-existent in the same phase of social evolution. Then disillusion with unilinear evolutionary schemes and the exhaustion of comparative method—its apparent inability to produce any fresh discovery—drove them apart.


Author(s):  
Yenny Yenny

<span lang="IN">With the increasing understanding of how young children develop and learn, there has been a greater emphasis on the education of young children. This study aims to obtain a description of appropriate and inappropriate teaching methods developed in a kindergarten program, specifically in the village of South Meruya. This research is qualitative descriptive, using interview method to teaching method of kindergarten teacher. The subjects consisted of 8 kindergarten teachers, consisting of 4 teachers of kindergarten and 4 teachers of kindergarten. The results obtained from this research are the kindergarten teachers in Meruya Selatan Village have shown appropriate teaching methods developed in the kindergarten program almost on all components except the teaching strategy component (addressing the ideas conveyed by the children), content and curriculum approach (aesthetic expression), reciprocal relationship with parents, and program policies (teacher-child ratio). </span>


2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Short

Recent years have witnessed the beginnings of a debate over whether the Holocaust should be taught in primary schools. In this article the claims advanced in favour of the proposal are shown to be plausible but lacking in empirical support, while the counter-claims are considered either peripheral, contentious or contrary to established research. It is argued that some key omissions in the debate, such as the way primary school pupils conceptualise Jewish culture and identity, significantly strengthen the case against introducing young children to the Holocaust.


Author(s):  
John Emsley

Severin Klosowski was born on the morning of 14 December 1865 in the village of Nagornak near Kolo in part of Russian-occupied Poland. He died 38 years later, as George Chapman, on the morning of 7 April 1903 in London, hanged for poisoning three of his partners with antimony in a way that was long and painful but which made it appear they were dying of natural causes. What is rather unusual about these murders were the many witnesses to the way that he carried them out. Antonio Klosowski was 30 and his wife Emilie 29 when their son Severin was born. They were Roman Catholics, and Antonio was the village carpenter. When he was seven years old, on 17 October 1873, Severin started primary school, which he attended for the next seven years, leaving on 13 June 1880, with a good final report. Later that year, on 1 December, he was apprenticed to Moshko Rappaport, in Zwolen, 90 km south of Warsaw. Rappaport would train him to be a feldscher, an occupation combining the roles of barber and minor surgeon. This qualification would allow him to perform small operations by himself, or to assist major surgery carried out by a fully qualified surgeon. In the summer of 1885, when he was 19, Severin left Zwolen and, armed with a good reference from both his employer and a local doctor, he set off for Warsaw with the idea of becoming a fully qualified surgeon. To finance himself through his studies he took a job as an assistant to a barber-surgeon in the suburb of Praga, and that October he enrolled for a three-month course in practical surgery at the Hospital of Infant Jesus nearby. In January 1886 Severin took a job as an assistant surgeon to a D. Moshkovski and continued working thus until 15 November that year. The following month he came of age: that allowed him to apply for a passport and he was also allowed to sit the entrance examination for the degree of Junior Surgeon at the Imperial University.


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