Changing Dimensionality Of The Political Issue Space: Effects On Political Party Competition

Author(s):  
Cesar Garcia-Diaz ◽  
Gilmar Zambrana ◽  
Arjen van Witteloostujin
Author(s):  
Bumke Christian ◽  
Voßkuhle Andreas

This chapter considers the relevant provisions of Art. 21 of the Grundgesetz (GG) with regard to political parties. Art. 21 GG does not define the term ‘political party’ and provides only a description of its function, which is ‘to participate in the formation of the political will of the people’. There are two conceptions of political party in the literature: the model of the ‘party state’ and the model of ‘party competition’. Political parties display the elements described in both models. The chapter first examines the Federal Constitutional Court's jurisprudence concerning the definition of ‘party’ before discussing the constitutional freedom to found and organise parties, prohibition of parties, competition between political parties and equality of opportunity among parties, and party financing (private financing and state financing).


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 717-730 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alper T Bulut

This article introduces a novel data set on the agenda of the Turkish legislature and political parties. Using the Comparative Agendas Project approach, we trace political issue attention over an 11–year-period (2003–2013). By topic coding various political activities, this approach illustrates the dynamics of the Turkish political agenda and the issue attention of the political parties, and, therefore, sheds new empirical light on the dynamics of Turkish legislative politics and party competition. In this article, we explain the construction of the data set from data collection to coding, describe its features, and provide examples of possible applications.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 950-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josep M. Colomer

Following an ambiguous constitutional compromise for democratization, the territorial decentralization of the Spanish state developed by means of political party competition, exchanges, and bargaining. Hence, the so-calledstate of autonomieswas characterized as “non-institutional federalism” [Colomer, Josep M. 1998. “The Spanish ‘State of Autonomies': Non-institutional Federalism.”West European Politics21 (4): 40–52]. In the most recent period, competition and instability have intensified. New developments include, on one side, attempts at recentralizating the state and, on the other side, demands and mobilizations forCatexit, that is, the independence of Catalonia from Spain, which resulted in sustained inter-territorial conflict. This article addresses these recent changes with a focus on the relations between the Spanish and the Catalan governments. The political changes were analyzed as a result of opportunities and incentives offered by a loose institutional framework and the subsequent competitive strategies of extreme party leaders.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Roslinda Wati Malau ◽  
Muhammad Aswin Hasibuan ◽  
Irwan Nasution

Research conductedby researchers titled “Strategi Partai Nasional Demokrat (NasDem) Dalam Menghadapi Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2015 (Studi Pada Dewan Perwakilan Wilayah Partai Nasional Demokrat Provinsi Sumatera Utara”. The purpose of this study aims to know a strategy of the party Nasional Demokrat (NasDem) in the face of the election simultaneously. A strategy of political is a set of the approach overall related to the implementation of the idea of, planning to a political party can win a fight between a variety of thepower of political process of reform happened where the political process be coming more berdinamika and demokrasi colored by a fight between the very open, until finally neededthe existance of a strategy of political using different approaches in which included noticed a political issue that will be sold to the group voters, take account of the power of her own, and observe the ability of the party of the competitors being political rival. Then in the study this will be seen now the Nasional Demokrat (NasDem) do a variety of things strategy in eforts won a political as the location of the study aut hors. How strong a strategy of political party Nasional Demokrat (NasDem) as the party of the bow of nationalist with all the instruments are there in which answered a political happened, to be able to win pilkada serentak that took place on 9 December 2015 and immediately able to be the preferred and take root in a society. In the study aut hors this will use analysis SWOT, as the theoretically to meausure the extent strength, weakness, the odds, and the threat of faced by the party Nasional Demokrat (NasDem). Including how the Nasional Demokrat (NasDem) tackle obstacles faced during the process of a sound in the effort to win pilkada serentak years 2015.


1992 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
John F. Copper

China and Taiwan are useful contrasting models for assessing the growth of political party competition and democracy. Both nations (or political entities) are demographically, historically, and culturally similar; thus, these and other situational variables are controlled such that the causality of the type of economic system and the openness of the political system emerges more clearly.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


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