scholarly journals Les contraintes du milieu et la gestion de la politique étrangère canadienne de 1976 à 1978

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-349
Author(s):  
John Kirton
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Planning Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Early Years ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Foreign Service ◽  
Global Problems ◽  
Parti Quebecois

The direction and pace of efforts to co-ordinate the foreign policy making process within the executive branch of middle-size states may depend on subtle but cumulatively important shiefs in domestic and external environments. The experience of the Canadian government from 1976 to 1978 suggests the effects which four types of environmental change can have. The approach of a federal election was accompanied by a reduced emphasis on the formal procedures of the structured cabinet committee System instituted in the early years of the first Trudeau government. An increased threat to national unity, as registered in the November 1976 election of a Parti Québécois majority provincial government, concentrated decisional activity at the very centre of government, and had only indirect effects on the formal foreign policy planning process. Concern with persistent economic dilemmas, registered most clearly in the imposition of an expenditure restraint programme in August 1978, directly increased the use of the budgetary process and prompted moves toward foreign service integration. And the intensification of a decline in tension in relations with the United States, and the accompanying emergence of new global problems, led, in turn, to a transfer of dynamic, creative co-ordinatively-oriented leadership into the Department of External Affairs, a reorganization of the Department, and a strong stress on re-orienting its role toward that of a modem central policy agency.

Anglo-american policy in Greece (1946-50)

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Spero Simeon Zachary Paravantes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
United States Government ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Dramatic Shift ◽  
Current Financial Crisis ◽  
Post War

While trying to understand and explain the origins and dynamics of Anglo-American foreign policy in the pre and early years of the Cold War, the role thatperception played in the design and implementation of foreign policy became acentral focus. From this point came the realization of a general lack of emphasisand research into the ways in which the British government managed to convincethe United States government to assume support for worldwide British strategicobjectives. How this support was achieved is the central theme of this dissertation.This work attempts to provide a new analysis of the role that the British played in the dramatic shift in American foreign policy from 1946 to 1950. Toachieve this shift (which also included support of British strategic interests in theEastern Mediterranean) this dissertation argues that the British used Greece, first asa way to draw the United States further into European affairs, and then as a way toanchor the United States in Europe, achieving a guarantee of security of theEastern Mediterranean and of Western Europe.To support these hypotheses, this work uses mainly the British andAmerican documents relating to Greece from 1946 to 1950 in an attempt to clearlyexplain how these nations made and implemented policy towards Greece duringthis crucial period in history. In so doing it also tries to explain how Americanforeign policy in general changed from its pre-war focus on non-intervention, to the American foreign policy to which the world has become accustomed since 1950. To answer these questions, I, like the occupying (and later intervening)powers did, must use Greece as an example. In this, I hope that I may be forgivensince unlike them, I intend not to make of it one. My objectives for doing so lie notin justifying policy, but rather in explaining it. This study would appear to havespecial relevance now, not only for the current financial crisis which has placedGreece once again in world headlines, but also for the legacy of the Second WorldWar and the post-war strife the country experienced which is still playing out todaywith examples like the Distomo massacre, German war reparations and on-goingsocial, academic and political strife over the legacy of the Greek Civil War.

Governing Nature, Nurturing Government: Resource Management and the Development of the American State, 1900–1912

2005 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce J. Schulman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Resource Management ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Forest Service ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Bureau Of Reclamation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Gifford Pinchot

In the early years of the twentieth century, the United States created modern resource management—a collection of administrative bureaucracies that reversed long-standing policies of distributing lands into private hands and instead managed the public domain from Washington. The creation of these powerful, independent agencies underlay a broader effort to reorganize and enlarge the national government. The very same administrators who built the new conservation bureaucracies—Gifford Pinchot of the Forest Service, James R. Garfield of the Department of Interior, and Frederick Newell of the Bureau of Reclamation—also led President Theodore Roosevelt's drive for reorganization of the executive branch.

Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-279
Author(s):  
Marian Nash ◽  
(Leich)
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
International Bank ◽  
Legal Adviser ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Contemporary Practice

In response to a request from the court to the Legal Adviser of the Department of State, by a letter dated November 29, 1995, the United States submitted a Statement of Interest in Meridien International Bank Ltd. v. Government of the Republic of Liberia. The United States stated that the executive branch had determined that allowing the (second) Liberian National Transitional Government (LNTG II) access to American courts was consistent with U.S. foreign policy. The court, the United States maintained, should therefore accord that Government standing to assert claims and defenses in the action on behalf of the Republic of Liberia.

9. Domestic influences on foreign policy making

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valentina Aronica ◽  
Inderjeet Parmar
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Pressure Groups ◽  
Institutional Influences ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Constitution

This chapter examines domestic factors that influence American foreign policy, focusing on the variety of ways in which pressure groups and elites determine and shape what the United States does in the international arena. It first considers how US foreign policy has evolved over time before discussing the US Constitution in terms of foreign policy making and implementation. It then explores institutional influences on foreign policy making, including Congress and the executive branch, as well as the role of ‘orthodox’ and ‘unorthodox’ actors involved in the making of foreign policy and how power is distributed among them. It also analyzes the Trump administration’s foreign policy, taking into account the ‘Trump Doctrine’ and the US strikes on Syria.

Impetus for Immigration Reform: Asian Refugees and the Cold War

1998 ◽  
Vol 7 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 127-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael G. Davis
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Immigration Reform ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractHistorians of foreign relations rarely consider the issue of immigration policy to be part of their field. Yet, immigration policy has much relevance for the study of the history of recent American foreign policy. The standards by which one nation chooses to admit immigrants can have an important effect on the sensitivities and attitudes of another nation, as was demonstrated in the tension that marked U.S.-Japanese relations after passage of the Asian Exclusion Act in 1924. Moreover, the movement of refugees escaping persecution, war, oppression, discrimination, and natural disasters can have an impact, both positive and negative, on a “receiving” nation’s economy, society, and political stability. In the recent history of the United States, debates over immigration policy have been guided in large part by foreign policy concerns. This is particularly true when considering the postwar debate between the executive branch and Congress about opening America’s doors to Asians.

American Foreign Policy: A Review of some Recent Literature on Isolation and Collective Security

1939 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-347
Author(s):  
Charles O'Donnell
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Present Moment ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Democratic Tradition

As professor Friedrich has pointed out in his Foreign Policy in the Making (Norton, New York, 1938) an effective foreign policy presupposes national unity and continuity. President Wilson tasted the bitterness of defeat over his League of Nations because he was an innovator and because he found it impossible to rally the nation behind his plan for American participation in an international peace program. At the present moment President Roosevelt is confronted both inside and outside his party by aggressive dissenters from his foreign policy. Persons and groups posing as the true defenders of the American democratic tradition have demanded the Ludlow referendum on war. They have presented isolationism, neutrality and economic nationalism as the principles of an authentic democratic way of life and have depicted international collaboration against aggressors as autocratic and dictatorial in tendency. The traditional American foreign policy of a “broad neutrality” says former President Hoover in Liberty, April 15, 1939, is being discarded by the present administration for a “vague use of force in association with European democracies.” Others say that President Roosevelt is leading the United States into war in order to assure himself a third term and to perpetuate New Deal “dictatorship.”

Mexico’s Concentration on Consular Services in the United States

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Hernández Joseph
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Service ◽  
The World ◽  
United States Mexico

Summary No other foreign service has as strong a consular concentration, or is as centered in a single other country, as the Mexican Foreign Service and its consular network in the United States. Mexico has 73 embassies and 67 consulates throughout the world — with 50 of these consulates in the United States. Clearly, consular work and particularly the consular tasks that are performed in the United States take up a large part of the resources, attention and priority of Mexican foreign policy.

Obama, Clinton and the Diplomacy of Change

2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 393-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Sharp
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Leadership ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Foreign Service ◽  
The Status ◽  
Universal Values ◽  
American Diplomacy ◽  
Digital Diplomacy

Is diplomacy important and can diplomats make a difference? This article examines these questions in the context of American foreign policy during the first two years of the Obama administration. The policy of George W. Bush’s administration in Iraq and Iraq, unilateral in form and controversial in substance, ensured that foreign policy was a major issue in the election campaign, with all of the major candidates agreeing that American diplomacy needed to be restored. Candidate Obama went beyond the consensus about restoring the status and influence of the State Department, however, to argue that the United States should talk without preconditions, even with regimes of which it did not approve. In office, Obama and his Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, rhetorically elevated diplomacy to an equal standing with defence and development, provided resources for greatly expanding the Foreign Service, and stressed the importance of taking advantage of developments in information technology to strengthen public and ‘digital’ diplomacy in the service of civilian power. They also ‘reset’ certain key bilateral relationships and ‘reengaged’ multilateralism. However, American diplomacy under Obama remains framed by the increasingly questionable assumption that its renewed openness to talking, its continued military superiority and its claim to embody universal values will continue to confer upon it the mantle of global leadership. If US administrations continue to assume that this is so, then American diplomacy will face the challenge of trying to bridge the increasingly widening gap between their aspirations and the means available to sustain them.

The Presidential Address: A Polarization of Knowledge: Specialization on Contemporary Asia in the United States

1974 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-522
Author(s):  
George McT. Kahin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
News Media ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Presidential Address ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
The Other ◽  
Access To Information ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The One

As one long preoccupied with American foreign policy and its impact on Asia, particularly Southeast Asia, I should like to talk to you about a problem that has been with us for a rather long time but whose dimensions have in recent years become considerably more extensive. I refer to the great disparity in access to information pertinent to the formulation of foreign policy as between the executive branch of our government on the one hand and Congress along with the news media and the general public on the other. I am not here, of course, to speak in behalf of the AAS or its officers, but rather in accordance with my own personal convictions. But I shall be discussing a matter that I believe should especially command the concern of those of us who specialize in the study of modern and contemporary Asia, and I hope that my remarks will not be alien to the interests of the rest of you.

Canadian Foreign Policy

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Carment ◽  
Brandon Jamieson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
The World ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
Emerging Issues ◽  
Nationalism And Identity

In an era of instability, upheaval, and change Canada’s place in the world remains uncertain. This is an era of significant geopolitical shifts, nationalism, and identity politics. As a result, the institutions in which Canada has invested significant capital such as trade, political, and security organizations are being tested and stretched to the limit. In essence, Canada’s fate and future is structurally contingent on its relationship with the United States; a relationship that paradoxically is key to enhancing Canadian sovereignty while at the same time having the potential to reduce it. Canada’s foreign policy has been captivated by three or perhaps four ends: the establishment of peace and security through the rule of law, maintaining a harmonious and productive relationship with the United States, and ensuring economic prosperity and competitiveness through trade and investment. To these three core elements we might add enhancing national unity and its corollary strengthening Canadian sovereignty. While these ends remain largely unchanged, where we would find a great deal of variation over time is how various governments envision achieving them. The publications cited in this article examine these emerging issues as well as those grounded in overarching debates about Canada’s place in the world, its relationship to the United States, and the importance of international institutions in advancing Canadian interests and values. While some of the readings may be regarded as definitive and others seminal much of what is identified is intended to provide insights on different ways of thinking about Canada’s foreign policy, who shapes it, and to what end.

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