Why are there independents in Ireland?

Author(s):  
Liam Weeks

This chapter brings together data from the other chapters to examine the collective factors that give independents a strong presence in Ireland. It uses original constituency-level data to examine socio-economic, electoral and party system factors. The analysis begins with an examination of four general factors that affect Independents: in particular those of a cultural, behavioural and institutional nature. This is used to construct eight hypotheses that are built on the five premises of the study relating to the significance of independents. These relate to size, political culture, electoral rules and the party system. It is found that many of these factors are responsible for the presence of independents. They suggest that this phenomenon is more than just the product of fleeting sentiment, but that it has some kind of structural basis.

Author(s):  
Kevin Morgan

This chapter considers some of the varieties of the minor party from the origins of the modern party system in the mid-nineteenth century. It considers the wider effects which can sometimes be traced to even the also-rans among them and concludes by evaluating the issues raised by the extensive historical literatures devoted to Britain’s far-left and far-right parties. The histories of both may be regarded as instances of relative party failure, but both have occasioned much fruitful debate as to how far this demonstrated their alien and extrinsic political character and how far, conversely, these were movements anchored in British political culture. It argues that the Communist Party of Great Britain, in particular, encapsulates the paradox of the minor party phenomenon. Like the other parties considered, it offers both the confirmation of a sort of two-party electoral hegemony and a reminder of its limitations in everything except elections.


Author(s):  
Nathan Allen

This chapter examines the evolution of the Indonesian electoral system and its effects on political outcomes. Although Indonesia has repeatedly chosen to conduct elections using proportional representation, electoral rules have changed considerably over time. The chapter traces two trajectories of reform in the post-Suharto era: one restricting opportunities for small parties and the other restricting the power of party leadership. Efforts to shape party system outcomes using electoral rules have succeeded in some areas, particularly in preventing the formation of regional partisan cleavages. Yet the proliferation of political parties in the face of reforms meant to consolidate the party system underline the limits of institutional design.


2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mert Moral

Invalid votes are often considered as simple failure to cast a valid vote. In fact, they might be a rational expression of discontent with party policy offerings. By employing individual and party system-level data on eighteen European party systems, this article focuses on voter discontent and voter apathy as two major determinants of casting an invalid vote and seeks to answer why some voters intentionally waste their votes despite paying the costs of voting. I find that higher distinct policy offerings decrease the probability of casting an invalid vote. However, voting behaviors of politically sophisticated and unsophisticated voters vary conditionally on the diversity of policy offerings and the cost of information. On one hand, when a party system offers a larger set of policy offerings, politically sophisticated voters become less likely to cast an invalid vote and more likely to support niche parties. On the other hand, sophisticated voters cannot deal with increasing cost of information, and are more likely to cast an invalid vote, especially in party systems with compulsory voting where the cost of nonvoting is higher.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (19) ◽  
pp. 1231-1235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Ekstrand ◽  
Armin Spreco ◽  
Michael Davison

ObjectiveTo compare injury rates among professional men’s football teams that have a winter break in their league season schedule with corresponding rates in teams that do not.Methods56 football teams from 15 European countries were prospectively followed for seven seasons (2010/2011–2016/2017)—a total of 155 team-seasons. Individual training, match exposure and time-loss injuries were registered. Four different injury rates were analysed over four periods within the season, and linear regression was performed on team-level data to analyse the effect of winter break on each of the injury rates. Crude analyses and analyses adjusted for climatic region were performed.Results9660 injuries were reported during 1 447 011 exposure hours. English teams had no winter break scheduled in the season calendar: the other European teams had a mean winter break scheduled for 10.0 days. Teams without a winter break lost on average 303 days more per season due to injuries than teams with a winter break during the whole season (p<0.001). The results were similar across the three periods August–December (p=0.013), January–March (p<0.001) and April–May (p=0.050). Teams without a winter break also had a higher incidence of severe injuries than teams with a winter break during the whole season (2.1 severe injuries more per season for teams without a winter break, p=0.002), as well as during the period January–March (p=0.003). A winter break was not associated with higher team training attendance or team match availability. Climatic region was also associated with injury rates.ConclusionsThe absence of a scheduled winter break was associated with a higher injury burden, both before and during the two periods following the time that many European teams take a winter break. Teams without a winter break (English clubs) had a higher incidence of severe injuries following the time of the year that other teams (other European clubs) had their scheduled break.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjell Winkens

This thesis seeks to answer the question 'when, how, and why the Danish asylum system become more restrictive than the Swedish one between 1989 and 2001'. In the analysis of these reasons, a particular emphasis is placed on the different political perceptions of both countries’ welfare philosophies on the one hand, and their political culture on the other. The influence of anti-immigration parties on mainstream political culture is an important part of this analysis. Through a distinction between border and integration policy, it becomes clear that the Danish asylum policy becomes more restrictive in the second half of the 1990s, because of its focus on cultural integration as a duty to the welfare state. The thesis concludes with a discussion regarding the impact of (neoliberal) economic changes on solidarity within political culture.


2015 ◽  
pp. 68-90
Author(s):  
L. S. Okuneva

In the article are considered criteria and possibilities of comparative analysis of the processes of political modernization of Brazil and Russia that unfolded there at the turn of the 1980s-1990s. The article deals with the features of the formation of civil society and political culture on the stage of a radical transformation of political structures in both countries (party system, the role of political leadership, etc.). Also the article investigates character of the differences in the development of the both countries at the beginning of the XXI century.


Author(s):  
Laila Kholid Alfirdaus ◽  
Eric Hiariej ◽  
Farsijana Adeney Risakotta

Relasi etnik Minang dan etnik Cina di Padang, Sumatra Barat, menarik untuk dikaji. Melalui desk-study atas kajian Minang dan Cina, yang diperkuat dengan penelitian lapangan pada 2010 dan 2013 secara kualitatif dengan wawancara dan observasi, tulisan ini menemukan bahwa tidak cukup melihat relasi etnik Minang dan Cina dari perspektif ekonomi politik. Kita perlu memberikan perhatian terhadap faktor budaya dan budaya politik masyarakat Minang di Padang yang bercorak matrilineal. Jika literatur yang ada cenderung deterministik, menghasilkan dua pandangan yang secara ekstrem berbeda, yang dalam artikel ini disebut pandangan manis dan sinis, tulisan ini berargumen sebaliknya. Relasi etnik Minang dan etnik Cina tidak bisa secara buru-buru disebut manis hanya karena etnik Cina telah menetap dan berpartisipasi dalam kehidupan sosial ekonomi Padang sejak zaman penjajahan, atau karena Padang relatif minim kerusuhan dibandingkan kota lainnya. Demikian juga, ia tidak bisa serta merta dilihat secara sinis hanya karena segregasi sosial terlihat lebih kentara. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa dua wajah yang secara bersamaan terjadi tidak lepas dari bentukan budaya Minang yang lekat dengan nilai-nilai matrilineal yang tertuang dalam ide feministik Bundo KanduangInter-etnic relations between Minang and Chinese in Padang, West Sumatra, that looks different compared to other societies in Indonesia is interesting to discuss. Through a desk study about Minang and Chinese, being strengthened with fieldworks in 2010 and 2013 using qualitative methods in which in-depth interview and non-participatory observations, this article found that political economy perspective being used to explain Minang-Chinese relations is not enough. We need to pay attention on culture and political culture of Minangkabau society in Padang, that is matrilineal in the nature. While the existing lieratures tend to strictly classify the relations into sweet and cynical (good and bad relations), this article argue the contrary. The relatively long encounter of Chinese with Minang in Padang as well as the less conflicts (mass violence) against Chinese compared to the other regions could not be simply categorized as manis (sweet relations). Similarly, we should not undermine the good relations between Minang and Chinese, existing in some ocassions merely as formalistic practices just because of segregation in Minang and Chineses residential areas. This article argues that the twocontrary but inseparable faces of Minang-Chineses relations are inseparable from the Minangkabau culture that is matrilineal in the nature, as manifested in Bundo Kanduang containing the idea of femininity.


2005 ◽  
pp. 145-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irena Ristic

In his essay ?The Protestant Ethic? Max Weber explains the specific economic development and the foundation of capitalism in Western Europe due to the appearance of protestant sects and the ?spirit of capitalism?. By doing so, Weber assigns religion a significant place among the factors of social and economic development. Taking Weber?s theory and argumentation as a starting point, this article drafts a thesis on ?orthodox ethic? and determines its role in the development of the ?spirit of capitalism? in orthodox countries. For that purpose this article compares political-historical circumstances on the territory of the Western and Eastern Church on one, and pictures the theological-philosophical basis of both Protestantism and Orthodoxy on the other side.


2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
SONA NADENICHEK GOLDER

Political parties that wish to exercise executive power in parliamentary democracies are typically forced to enter some form of coalition. Parties can either form a pre-electoral coalition prior to election or they can compete independently and form a government coalition afterwards. While there is a vast literature on government coalitions, little is known about pre-electoral coalitions. A systematic analysis of these coalitions using a new dataset constructed by the author and presented here contains information on all potential pre-electoral coalition dyads in twenty industrialized parliamentary democracies from 1946 to 1998. Pre-electoral coalitions are more likely to form between ideologically compatible parties. They are also more likely to form when the expected coalition size is large (but not too large) and the potential coalition partners are similar in size. Finally, they are more likely to form if the party system is ideologically polarized and the electoral rules are disproportional.


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