‘The phantom of liberty’: new youth activism

Author(s):  
Ljubica Spaskovska

The third chapter reflects on new youth activism within the wider context of what has been termed ‘the new social movements’. It addresses the broader transnational influence of movements abroad, and shows how new areas for political expression opened up around peace, anti-militarism, environmentalism/nuclear disarmament and sexuality. Late socialist Yugoslav society witnessed the proliferation of a youth arena of civil initiatives and activist citizenship, albeit fragmented and often discordant, which found shelter and support within parts of the existing youth institutional framework. Although the federal Youth League did not explicitly endorse all of the initiatives stemming from the new social movements, it did provide spaces for some of them and increased the visibility of their demands in the public space.

2018 ◽  
pp. 12-33
Author(s):  
Iná Elias De Castro

RESUMOEste artigo se propõe debater as condições para a transformação dos espaços públicos em espaços políticos e responder como isto ocorre. A tese defendida é a de que os espaços públicos são espaços do cotidiano social urbano e não possuem uma essência política, embora possam tornar-se espaços políticos quando invadidos por fenômenos da política que transformam temporariamente suas rotinas e seu público usual. O texto está dividido em três partes. Na primeira, a política é conceituada como um sistema institucional e operacional de resolução de conflitos de interesses, apresentando os riscos da falácia, muito comum na literatura sociológica, de considerar a política como uma esfera abstrata. Na segunda, o espaço político é apresentado como um conceito, que apesar da origem na ciência política, foi apropriado e ampliado na geografia política como espaço de ação das políticas públicas e das leis, mas também dos movimentos sociais e dos atos políticos. Na terceira, são elaborados os argumentos da tese central deste texto, respondendo à questão sobre as circunstâncias em que os espaços públicos podem se transformar em espaços políticos.Palavras-chave: Espaço político; espaço público; mobilizações políticas. ABSTRACTThis article proposes to discuss the conditions for the transformation of public spaces into political spaces and to respond how this occurs. The thesis defended is that public spaces are spaces of everyday urban social and do not have a political essence, although they may become political spaces when invaded by phenomena of politics that temporarily transform their routines and their usual public. The text is divided into three parts. In the first, politics is conceptualized as an institutional and operational system for resolving conflicts of interest, presenting the risks of the fallacy, very common in the sociological literature, of considering politics as an abstract sphere. In the second, the political space is presented as a concept, that despite the origin in political science, was appropriated and expanded in political geography as a space for action of public policies and laws, but also for social movements and political acts. In the third part, the arguments of the central thesis of this text are elaborated, answering the question about the circumstances in which the public spaces can turn into political spaces.Keywords: Political space; public space; political mobilizations.


Author(s):  
Лешек Кочанович

В статье рассматриваются основные проблемы современной демократии, особенно городской демократии. Массовые протесты и демонстрации свидетельствуют о том, что существующие механизмы либеральной демократии перестали выполнять свою роль. В статье анализируются причины такого положения вещей. Также приводятся причины, по которым демократия в городе имеет особое значение для понимания функционирования демократического общества. Далее описываются три концепции демократии, которые имеют особое значение. Это: прагматическая концепция, концепция коммуникативной деятельности и концепция неконсенсусного диалога и неконсенсусной демократии. Эта третья концепция была разработана автором статьи. Он понимает демократический диалог как средство понимания, а не согласия. Таким образом, демократия заключается в том, чтобы лучше понять конкурента, а не в достижении с ним соглашения. Однако для того, чтобы эта форма демократии работала, необходимо соответствующее образование на всех уровнях. In the past years it has become clear that liberal democracy is in crisis and that this crisis is first of all visible in the public sphere and in the public space. The new social movements in many countries have re-defined the public space introducing to it elements which have not been so far present in the public sphere, for instance, demonstrations which turned into long-lasting meetings, performances, artistic activities, and so on. Moreover, it has turned out that the crisis touched not only the liberal system of institutions but also the civil society and the party system that had been a backbone of liberal democracy. The aim of the article is thus to look at human space/city space as a machine for communication, or, strictly speaking, a machine for understanding. The article has been inspired by the views of American pragmatists, mainly John Dewey’s and George Herbert Mead’s as well as Mikhail Bakhtin’s concepts of dialogue and carnival. I think that taking such a standpoint would lead to better understanding the new social movements in city space. The four models of communication in the city space are discussed in the article. The first model is taken from the philosophy of American pragmatism. Its main features are: the close relationship between politics and everyday life, and the concept of democracy as a form of life of a community. The pragmatists also put stress on dialogue/communication as an activity which forms social life as well as our mind and self. The second model is Jürgen Habermas’s concept of communicative action. Habermas states that the possibility of an agreement is inscribed in the very structure of language if certain conditions are fulfilled. He calls these conditions “the ideal communicative situation.” The continuators of Habermas’s theory have developed it into the idea of “deliberative democracy”, i.e., democracy which is a permanent discussion of the most important social and political issues. The third model is associated with Bakhtin’s notion of dialogue as a phenomenon which permeates all human interactions. Finally, I propose my model of communication which is based on my concept of dialogue as a vehicle of understanding rather than vehicle of agreement. Starting from the last model I discuss the question of the role of the university in the democratic society. My idea is that the humanities should give up any ambition to universality and instead they should facilitate mutual understanding. Therefore, their function has changed radically. Traditionally, they serve to maintain national or religious identity and/or promote individual perfection. Now, they should prepare people to enter a dialogical relationship with the Other.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
José Carlos Kraemer Bortoloti ◽  
Neuro José Zambam

Resumo:  O objetivo da presente abordagem é afirmar o espaço público como indispensável para a expressão e interação dos indivíduos na formação da cidadania e, assim, compor a democracia no contexto contemporâneo. A garantia de direitos e a sua efetivação no cotidiano da convivência humana são as referências mais elementares e condição para a sua legitimidade. Tradicionalmente, as formas de participação e decisão dependiam exclusivamente de eleições que garantiam a alternância do poder. Esse é um modelo limitado e insuficiente, considerando a complexidade das sociedades hodiernas que pressupõe a existência de uma nova dinâmica. Os conflitos de representação e decisão impulsionam a proposição de novos paradigmas para a interação e efetivação de direitos. Os movimentos sociais, as formas de interação e a expressão da pluralidade existente na sociedade, demandam um modelo de participação intersubjetiva, indicando a cidadania como espaço de interação e vociferação de direitos, especificamente os direitos das culturas, a superação das desigualdades, os novos instrumentos de decisão e as condições efetivas de integração dos povos, ampliando as condições de justiça. Afirmar valores e princípios como a tolerância, a legalidade, a dignidade humana, a sustentabilidade e o compromisso com as futuras gerações, representa a capacidade de evolução da democracia e a necessidade de novos referenciais.Abstract: he objective of this approach is to affirm the public space as essential for the expression and interaction of individuals in the formation of citizenship and thus compose democracy in the contemporary context. The guarantee of rights and its effectiveness in everyday human coexistence are the most basic references and condition for its legitimacy. Traditionally, the forms of participation and decision relied solely of elections that guaranteed the alternation of power. This is a limited and insufficient model considering the complexity of today's society that presupposes the existence of a new dynamic. Conflicts of representation and decision boost to propose new paradigms for interaction and enforcing rights. Social movements, forms of interaction and expression of the existing plurality in society, require a model of inter-subjective participation, indicating citizenship as a space for interaction and vociferation rights, specifically the rights of cultures, overcoming inequalities, the new instruments decision and the actual conditions of integration of peoples, expanding the conditions of justice. Affirming values and principles such as tolerance, legality, human dignity, sustainability and commitment to future generations, is the evolution of the capacity of democracy and the need for new standards.


Author(s):  
Edna Ullmann-Margalit

Focusing on the extreme poles of the spectrum of human relationships, this chapter argues that considerateness is the foundation upon which our relationships are to be organized in both the thin, anonymous context of the public space and the thick, intimate context of the family. The first part of the paper, sections I–III, explores the idea that considerateness is the minimum that we owe to one another in the public space. By acting considerately toward strangers we show respect to that which we share as people, namely, to our common humanity. The second part, sections IV–VIII, explores the idea that the family is constituted on a foundation of considerateness. Referring to the particular distribution of domestic burdens and benefits adopted by each family as its “family deal,” I argue that the considerate family deal embodies a distinct, family-oriented notion of fairness. The third part, sections IX–XV, takes up the notion of family fairness, contrasting it with justice.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136843102096867
Author(s):  
Saul Newman

Recent debates in liberal political theory have sought to come to terms with the post-secular condition, characterised by deep religious pluralism, the resurgence of right-wing populism, as well as new social movements for economic, ecological and racial justice. These forces represent competing claims on the public space and create challenges for the liberal model of state neutrality. To better grasp this problem, I argue for a more comprehensive engagement between liberalism and political theology, by which I understand a mode of theorising that reveals the theological basis of modern secular political concepts. In considering two contrasting approaches to political or public theology – Carl Schmitt’s and Jürgen Moltmann’s – I argue that liberal political theory can and should open itself to a diversity of social movements and ecological struggles that pluralise the political space in ways that unsettle the boundary between the secular and religious.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-284
Author(s):  
Néstor García Canclini

Abstract Ever since the expansion of video-politics, television canalises citizens' criticism and demands regarding political authorities, conceiving of citizens as spectators. Social networks magnify this type of involvement, promising horizontality and social cohesion. Political parties have become reduced to elites that distribute power and benefits among themselves, disengaging from voters, except during electoral periods. Our opinions and behaviours are captured by algorithms and subject to globalised forces. The public space where citizenship should be exercised is becoming opaque and distant. Citizenship is radically diminishing while some social movements are reinventing themselves and winning sectorial battles: for human rights, for gender equality, against authoritarianism. Yet the neoliberal approach to technology maintains and deepens greater inequalities. What are the alternatives to this dispossession? Hackers and dissenters? What is the role of the vote in a State-society relationship reprogrammed by technologies and the market?


ILUMINURAS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (57) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vi Grunvald ◽  
Filipe Reis

Entrevista com o antropólogo português Miguel Vale de Almeida realizada por Vi Grunvald e Filipe Reis. Sobressai na entrevista sua trajetória o seu interesse em articular a prática docente e o conhecimento produzido na academia com ações efetivas no espaço público e participação em movimentos sociais e na política.Palavras-chaves: Trajetória. Antropologia portuguesa. Prática docente. Afeto. Espaço Público.  Paths of public and engaged performance: interview with Miguel Vale de Almeida Abstract: Interview with Portuguese anthropologist Miguel Vale de Almeida conducted by Vi Grunvald and Filipe Reis. In the interview, her interest in articulating teaching practice and knowledge produced in the academy with effective actions in the public space and participation in social movements and politics stand out.Keywords: Trajectory. Portuguese anthropology. Teaching practice. Affection. Public place.


Author(s):  
Aidan McGarry ◽  
Itir Erhart ◽  
Hande Eslen-Ziya ◽  
Olu Jenzen ◽  
Umut Korkut

Protest movements are struggles to be seen and to be heard. In the last 60 years protest movements around the world have mobilized against injustices and inequalities to bring about substantial sociocultural, sociopolitical, and socio-economic changes. Whilst familiar repertoires of action persist, such as strikes, demonstrations, and occupations of public space, the landscape is very different from 60 years ago when the so-called ‘new social movements’ emerged. We need to take stock of the terrain of protest movements, including dramatic developments in digital technologies and communication, the use of visual culture by protestors, and the expression of democracy. This chapter introduces the volume and explains how aesthetics of protest are performative and communicative, constituting a movement through the performance of politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
María José López Merino

<p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">En lo que sigue presentamos el concepto de identidad del </span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><em>quién</em></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">, que Arendt expone en su obra </span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><em>The Human Condition</em></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">, ligado a la noción de acción política. Presentamos este concepto ligado a tres anomalías que registra la lectura de Arendt: la primera vinculada con la misma noción de política que explora la autora, la segunda vinculada a su posición como pensadora anti-metafísica, y la tercera relacionada ya no con sus ideas sino con su praxis como pensadora: las actividades que la sitúan en espacio público como un quién que tiene algo que decir. Específicamente, en dos momentos peculiares en su escritura: </span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><em>Los orígenes del Totalitarismo</em></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"> y </span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><em>Rahel Varnhagen. La vida de una judía</em></span></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">.</span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Palabras claves: identidad, quién, acción, narración, espacio público</span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">WHO IS WHO IN THE PUBLIC SPACE: POLICITY AND IDENTITY IN H. ARENDT<br /></span></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">This article presents the concept of the identity of the ‘who’, exposed by Arendt in her book The Human Condition, linked to the notion of political action. We introduce this concept related to three anomalies that appear in Arendt’s reading: the first associated to the very notion of politics that she explores, the second linked to her position as an antimetaphysical thinker, and the third related not with her ideas but with her praxis as thinker: her activities in the public space like a ‘who’ that has something to say, specifically, in two peculiar moments in her production: Origins of Totalitarianism and Rahel Varnghagen, the Life of a Jewess.<br /></span></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"><em><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: medium;">Keyword: identity, who, action, narration, public space</span></span></em></p><p align="JUSTIFY"> </p><p align="JUSTIFY"> </p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-127
Author(s):  
Pantelis Kyprianos

How is May ’68 received in the public space? How has it been perceived in the collective consciousness in Greece since that day? To investigate the image of May ’68 portrayed by the mass media (public space) and the idea that young Greeks have of it today (collective memory), I relied on three categories of sources: i) Analysis of the texts referring to the events; ii) Interviewing former students who participated in the uprising against the Dictatorship at the Polytechnic in 1973; and iii) Discussions with today’s students to see whether or not they have an image of May ’68, and if so, what it is. This paper is made up of five sections. In the first I provide an overview of the situation in Greece in 1968, in the second I briefly set out the main positions on May ’68 of well-known French social scientists, and in the third I discuss how the period was perceived and the weight of its role in the uprising of Greek students at the Polytechnic in 1973. In the fourth section I paint a brief picture of how May ’68 has been viewed in Greece from the fall of the dictatorship in 1974 to today. Finally, in the fifth and final section, I summarise how today’s students perceive the events. 


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